l.UNUON 

1890 

1900 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


iliilliillKnu.::,,,, 
IIIIIIIIMI<iiii|lll 

%' iHllliSliiii 


d 


LIFE  AND   LABOUR 

OF  THE 

PEOPLE    IN    LONDON 


LIFE    AND    LABOUR 


OF    THE 


PEOPLE  IN  LONDON 


BY 


CHARLES     BOOTH 


ASSISTED    BY 

ERNEST   AVES 


Second  Series:    Industry 


COMPARISONS,   SURVEY   AND   CONCLUSIONS 


>  3       ,       i 


Hontion 
MACMILLAN    AND    CO.,   Limited 

NEW    YORK:     THE    MACMILLAN    CO. 


Note  to  1903  Edition 

This  volume,  originally  published  in  1897  as  Vol.  IX.  of  "  Life  and 
Labour,"  has  undergone  detailed  revision,  and  the  Abstract  of  the  first 
nine  volumes,  which  was  formerly  given  here,  has  been  transferred  to 
the  final  volume,  as  part  of  the  Summary  of  the  now  complete  work. 

Reprinted  1904. 


O.  Normiin  &  Son,  Frinterit,  Floral  Street,  London 


HY 
408?, 
Uf34 


Table  of  Contents 


PAOB 

Introduction (C.  5.)     ix 


Part  I.— COMPAKISONS     {C.  B.) 

CHAPTER 

I.  Crowding  and  Apparent  Poverty  3 

Size  and  construction  of  Houses  in  Poor  Districts.  Definition 
of  Crowding  and  of  Poverty.  Crowded  conditions  according 
to  Trades. 

II.  Crowding  and  Earnings      13 

Trades  analysed  by  comparing  conditions  as  to  crowding 
with  wages  earned.     Effects  of  irregularity. 

III.  Born   in  or   out   of   London,  and   Living  in  the  Inner  or 

Outer  Circle         ...         ...         ...         ...     28 

Connection  between  Birthplace  in  London,  residence  in  the 
Inner  Metropolitan  Circle,  and  crowded  Homes. 

IV.  Size  and  Constitution  of  the  Census  Family         35 

Comparison  by  Trades. 

V.  Age  Distribution  of  the  Occupied  Classes 43 

(Illustrated  by  Diagrams.) 

Trades  with  age  proportions  normal,  or  with  excess  or  de- 
ficiency in  youth,  manhood,  or  old  age. 

VI.  Status  as  to  Employment ...         ...     54 

Proportion  of  employers  to  employed,  and  to  those  working 
on  their  own  account,  in  various  industries. 

VII.  Increasing  and  Decreasing  Trades       59 

Changes  in  numbers  and  proportions  (1861-1891) 


vi  CONTENTS 

Part  II.— SURVEY    AND    CONCLUSIONS 

CHAfTEK  7Ar.r. 

I.  Characteristics  of  Modern  Industry       (C.  B.)    69 

Recognized  characteristics.  The  connection  of  poverty  with 
industry.  Organic  nature  of  industry.  Good  and  bad  sides 
of  the  modern  system.  Growth,  prospects  and  limitations  of 
trade  combinations. 


II.  London  AS  A  Centre  OF  Trade  AND  Industry         ...     (E  A.)    84 

The  vitality  and  productive  energy  of  London.  An  unrivalled 
national  emporium  and  world  market.  Its  economic  advantages 
and  disadvantages. 


III.  The  Localization  and  Diffusion  of  Trades  in  London 

■  E.A.)     96 

Scattering  of  workers  and  localization  of  trades.  Economic 
advantages  of  localization.  Locahzing  influences.  Examples. 
Instances  of  diffusion. 


IV.  Large  and  Small  Systems  of  Production  and  Employment 

(E.  A.)  104 

General  survey  of  systems  obtaining  in  London.  Social 
and  economic  utility  of  production  on  a  large  scale.  Conditions 
favourable  to  the  small  system.  Dangers  attendant  upon 
either  method. 


V.  Characteristics    and    Training    of    London    Labour 

(£•.  A.)  120 

The  changing  character  of  industrial  organization.  Elements 
of  industrial  efl[iciency.  Training  and  apprenticeship.  London's 
power  to  produce  workers.  Over  specialization :  specialized 
excellence  and  specialized  degradation.  London  v.  Provincial 
labour.    How  individual  efficiency  can  best  be  maintained. 


VI    Trade  Unions       ..  ...     (E.  A .)  136 

T.  Introductory — Combination  and  Association.  II.  Work- 
men's Associations.  III.  Ordinary  functions  of  Trade  Unions. 
IV.  Training  and  tests  of  efficiency  V.  The  minimum  wage. 
VI.  Limitations  to  the  sphere  of  Trade  Union  action. 

VII.  The  Hours  of  Labour  (E.A.)  182 

Varying  length  of  the  working  day.  The  "  fair  "  day's  work. 
Possible  effects  of  a  reduction  of  hours.  Governmental  action. 
The  question  of  overtime.  Conclusion.  Summary  of  hours  of 
work,  overtime,  &c. 


CONTENTS  vii 


CHAPTEK 


VIII.  Methods    of    Remunkration  :     Time    and    Piecework 

(E.A.)  215 

Dependence  of  method  of  payment  on  nature  of  industrial 
relationship.  Piece-work  and  Time-work :  Arguments  for  and 
against  the  adoption  of  one  or  other  system.  The  varying 
etfects  of  either  method  considered.  The  possibilities  of  their 
combination. 

IX.  Irregularity  of  Eabnings       ...         ...     (E.A.)  228 

The  special  problem  of  irregular  employment.  Position  of 
those  who  are  neither  "employers"  nor  "employed."  Per- 
sonal and  economic  causes  of  irregularity.  Natural  and  artificiaJ 
causes.  The  effects  of  price  movements,  free  trade,  population, 
machinery,  weather,  fashion,  and  trade  unions,  on  discontinuity 
of  work.     Remedies  suggested  and  discussed. 

X.  Rates  of  Wages       (C.B.  and  E.  A.)  263 

The  wide  range  of  wages  in  industry.  The  rates  paid  to 
each  class  of  London  labour.  A  general  schedule  of  remunera- 
tion. Nominal  and  real  earnings.  The  unequal  sharing  of  lost 
time.  The  supplementary  wage-earning  power  of  boys  and 
girls.  The  family  income.  The  variations  -of  working-class 
income  in  London  discussed. 

Xl.  The  Choice  of  Employment       [C.B.  and  E.  A.)  285 

Considerations  involved  in  the  choice  of  work.  Subjective 
apd  objective  industrial  qualilications.  Trade  e.xpenses.  The 
question  of  leisure.  The  relation  between  the  individual,  his 
work,  and  his  pay.  The  limited  freedom  of  choice  of  the  very 
poor.     The  position  of  parents  and  children. 

XII.  On  Industrial  Remedies (C.  B.  and  E.  A.)  293 

Specific  evils  demanding  remedies.  The  general  aims  of 
remedial  measures.  Some  practical  suggestions  discussed : 
improved  education ;  the  raising  of  the  age  of  legal  employ- 
ment ;  restriction  of  the  casual  employment  of  the  young ;  the 
operation  of  the  Factory  Acts :  the  better  registration  and 
inspection  of  workshops.  Trade  unions  as  employment  bureaux 
and  the  "unemployed"  benefit.  The  prospects  of  schemes  of 
Co-operation  and  Co-partnership.  Poverty  considered  with 
special  reference  to  insufficient  pay  and  lack  of  work.  State 
action  and  State  responsibility  discussed. 

XIII.  Expenditure  and  the  Standard  of  Life       (C.  B.)  319 

The  cost  of  living  as  a  boy,  as  a  young  man,  and  when 
married.  The  standard  of  life  and  the  standard  of  earnings. 
The  lives  of  classes  A  to  F  described.  The  connection  of 
birth-rate  and  death-rate  with  social  condition. 

The  impression  left  by  the  two  inquiries  into  the  social  and 
industrial  position  of  London.  Subjects  to  be  dealt  with  in  the 
concluding  portion  of  the  inquiry. 

INDEX 341 


INTRODUCTION 

This  volume,  wliicli  concludes  the  present  serieSj  contains 

two  parts.     In  the  first,  comparisons  are  made  between  the 

various  trade  sections  as  to  appai'ent  poverty,  "  crowding," 

earnings,  proportion  of  Londoners,  numbers  in  family,  ages 

of    workers,    proportion    of   employers    to    employed,    and 

increase    or    decrease    [1861-1891J    cf   numbers    engaged. 

These    chapters,    though    somewhat    forbidding,    contain 

matter  of  considerable  interest,  being  in  fact  a  distillation 

of  all  the  statistics  concerning  the  above-mentioned  groups 

of  facts. 

The    second    part,    drawing    on    the   whole    preceding 

accounts    of    London    trades,    ti'eats    of  such     subjects    as 

irregularity  of  employment,  trade  unionism,  methods  and 

amount     of    remuneration    and    industrial     remedies    for 

poverty.       It    deals    mainly   in    generalizations,    but    any 

London  reader  can  if  he  will  shift  the  point  of  view  from 

the  general  to  the  particular  by  taking  as  an  example  any 

trade  or  occupation,  or  the  lot  of  an}'  individual  worker 

of   ■which    he    has    exact    knowledge,    in    order    to    test 

the    correctness    of    the    conclusions    to    which    we    have 

come.       He    may     classify     himself     or     anyone     whose 

circumstances  are  known  to  him,  according  to  the  trade  at 

which  he  works,  the  wages  earned  and  the  character  of  the 

home  in  which  he  lives.     There  is  no  life  that  is  led  in 
V  c 


X  INTRODUCTION 

London  which  may  not  serve  as  an  illustration  to  this 
book,  no  individual  who  may  not  find  his  place  in  its 
schedules.  In  this  way  a  definite  value  may  be  given  to 
the  gradations  of  my  scale,  and  a  test  may  be  applied  to 
the  probability  of  the  conclusions  drawn. 

The  closing  chapter  touches  upon  the  standard  of  life, 
actual  or  possible,  and  so  steps  into  line  with  the  first  series 
of  this  work,  thus  completing  the  design  originally  laid 
down  and  expressed  in  the  title  of  the  book. 

Still  this  does  not  conclude  the  work,  but  what  remains 
to  be  done  is  of  a  different  character,  being  to  estimate  the 
forces  for  good  or  evil  that  are  acting  upon  the  condition 
of  the  population  before  we  can  arrive  at  that  balancing  of 
hopes  and  fears  that  will  form  our  final  judgment. 


PART  I.-COMPAEISONS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CROWDING   AND   APPARENT   POVERTY. 


In  the  poorer  parts  of  London  most  of  tbe  houses  have  a 
frontage  of  from  12  to  15  ffc.  only,  and  of  this  abont  3  ft.  is 
devoted  to  entrance  passage  and  stairs.  The  front  room 
on  the  first  floor  has  usually  two  windows  and  occupies  the 
whole  breadth  of  the  house.  This  may  be  repeated  on  the 
floor  above.  The  other  rooms  are  all  somewhat  smaller. 
The  largest  size  commonly  found  is  about  12  by  14  ft.  and 
the  smallest  perhaps  8  ft.  by  8  ft.  The  height  from  floor 
to  ceiling  varies  from  8  to  10  ft. 

It  is  with  rooms  of  this  character,  containing  on  an 
average  about  1000  cubic  ft.  of  space,  but  varying  among 
themselves  to  the  extent  indicated  above,  that  we  have 
usually  to  deal  when  the  number  of  rooms  occupied  by  a 
family  is  taken  as  a  measure  of  poverty.  Two  or  more 
persons  making  their  home  in  one  such  room,  or  four 
or  more  in  two  such  rooms,  or  six  or  more  in  three, 
are  accounted  crowded  and  therefore  presumably  poor; 
the  assumption  being  that  i£  they  were  not  poor  they 
would  allow  themselves  more  space.  It  is  evident 
that  this  theory  has  many  limitations,  and  affords  but 
a  rough  test  of  poverty.  Not  only  does  the  actual  size 
of  the  room  or  rooms  come  into  question,  but  much 
depends  on  the  meaning  of  "person."  A  mother  and 
her  baby  count  for  two,  but  one  room  is  all  that  they 
really  require,  whereas  for  two  adults  to  eat,  sleep  and  live 
in  one  room  is  a  condition  of  crowding  which  would  hardly 
V  1  * 


4  coMPARisoyrs. 

be  endured  unless  poverty  compelled.  Whetlier  a  family 
of  four  in  two  rooms  is  more  crowded  or  less  so  than 
two  families  of  two  poi-sons  eacli  occupying  one  room 
would  probably  depend  on  the  management.  With  orderly 
arrangements  the  enlarged  family  might  gain — but  if  dis- 
order reigned  the  increase  in  numbers  would  undoubtedly 
aggravate  discomfort.  But  in  comparing  large  bodies  of 
men  one  with  another,  such  considerations  maybe  ignored; 
for  in  almost  every  trade  wo  shall  find  eveiy  description 
of  family  living  in  every  kind  of  house  in  somewhat  similar 
proportions. 

Another  irregularity  springs  from  the  greater  difficulty 
found  in  obtaining  house-room  in  some  quarters  than  in 
others,  and  the  consequent  high  rents  paid  by  those  who 
must  give  whatever  is  necessary  to  enable  them  to  be 
near  their  work.  These  people,  for  workmen,  may  be 
well  off,  and  quite  beyond  the  pinch  of  poverty,  yet  they 
have  to  endure  and  make  the  best  of  very  limited 
accommodation.  A  still  more  common  case  in  which  the 
test  fails  is  where  house-room  is  so  plentiful  and  rents  so 
low,  or  their  payment  so  easily  evaded,  that  even  the 
poorest  people  need  not  be  crowded  in  the  rooms  of  which 
they  make  their  homes.  In  such  cases  a  low  percentage  of 
crowding  may  be  combined  with  a  high  degree  of  poverty. 

In  spite  of  these  divergencies,  we  are  probably  justified 
in  assuming,  that  on  the  average  crowding  does  provide 
a  reasonably  fair  measure  of  poverty ;  and  some  support 
is  given  to  this  assumption  by  the  fact  that  the  total 
percentage  of  poverty  indicated  by  this  test  agrees  almost 
exactly  with  that  reached  in  our  previous  inquiry  by 
a  different  method,  about  30  per  cent,  of  poverty  being 
shown  in  both  ways.  But  the  tests  applied  are  verv 
rough,  and  the  results  attained  do  not  pretend  to  bo 
more  than  an  approximation  to  the  truth. 

The  meaning  attached  throughout  to  the  word  "poverty,'* 
and  the  distinction  drawn  between  the   ''poor"  and  the 


CnoiVDING  AND  APFAIUiNT  POVERTY.  6 

"very  poor'^  must  also  bo  borne  in  mind.  Tlie  "poor" 
liave  been  dcfiued  or  described  as  including  alike  those 
whose  earnings  are  small  because  of  irregularity  of  employ- 
ment and  those  whose  work  though  regular  is  ill-paid. 
They  are  farther  defined  as  those  whose  means  are  barely 
sufficient  for  decent  independent  life.  Though  not  in 
actual  "  want,"  they  would  bo  the  better  for  more  of 
everything.  Their  lives  are  an  unending  struggle  and 
lack  comfort,  but  those  people  are  neither  ill-nourished 
nor  ill-clad  accoi-ding  to  any  standard  that  can  reasonably 
be  used.  And  finally,  to  come  to  figures,  I  have  suggested 
ISs  to  21s  per  week  for  a  moderate-sized  family  as  the 
income  I  have  had  in  my  mind.  The  "■  very  poor  " — who 
answer  more  or  less  to  the  very  crowded,  i.e.  those  living 
three  or  more  to  a  room — are  those  who  from  any  cause 
fall  below  this  standard. 

Although  the  average  results  may  bo  fairly  trustworthy, 
there  is  a  very  considerable  difference  according  as  the 
test  of  crowding  is  applied  in  the  inner  or  in  the  outer 
circle  of  London.  This  difference,  which  we  find  in  almost 
every  trade,  is  largely  due  to  the  question  of  rent,  but 
it  also  responds  to  the  broad  circumstance  that  the  poorer 
representatives  in  nearly  every  trade  live  nearest  to,  and 
the  better  ofF  furthest  from,  the  centre  of  London. 

It  must  be  remembered  moreover  that  we  can  only 
deal  with  apparent  poverty.  A  man  who  earns  good  wages 
may  spend  but  little  of  them  on  his  home.  Such  is 
notoriously  the  case  in  trades  where  the  rate  of  pay  is 
high  and  the  work  intermittent,  especially  when  wages 
are  earned  by  great  physical  exertion,  as  for  instance  with 
the  coal-porters.  We  are  compelled  by  our  method  to 
treat  the  desire  for  sufficient  house  accommodation  as  a 
force  acting  uniformly  or  proportionately  on  all,  but  this  is 
by  no  means  always  the  case. 

Taking  into  account  so  far  as  possible  these  considera- 
tions and  limitations,   we    may    proceed    to    compai'e    the 


6  COMPARISONS. 

trades  and  groups  of  trades  into  "wliicli  we  have  divided 
the  people  of  London.  It  appears  that,  tested  by  the 
crowded  conditions  in  which  they  live,  street-sellers,  coal- 
porters  and  dock-labonrers  are  the  poorest  sections  of  the 
popnlation  [see  Table  I.  on  page  8).  On  the  whole,  street- 
sellers  take  the  lead,  having,  if  we  exclude  those  returned 
as  employers,  69  per  cent,  of  families  living  two  or  more 
persons  in  each  room.  Coal-porters  come  next  with  65  per 
cent.,  followed  closely  by  the  63  per  cent,  of  dock-labourers. 
These  two  latter  sections  consist  almost  entirely  of  the 
employed  class. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  two-thirds  of  the  costermongers  and 
two-thirds  of  the  dock-labourers  live  in  the  inner  ring.  As 
a  rule  these  proportions  are  reversed :  amongst  coal- 
porters  the  homes  of  only  one-third  are  in  the  inner  ring. 

The  fact  that  crowded  homes  are  not  always  a  test  of 
poverty  where  house  accommodation  is  difficult  to  obtain 
and  rents  are  high,  does  not  apply  to  any  very  great 
extent  in  these  sections.  With  costermongers  the  pro- 
portion rises  to  71  per  cent,  in  the  inner,  and  falls  to 
55  per  cent,  in  the  outer  circle ;  with  coal-porters  the 
comparative  rates  are  74  and  59  per  cent. ;  while  dock- 
labourers  have  about  62  per  cent,  of  crowding  wherever 
they  live. 

Finally,  if  we  test  these  sections  by  the  extreme  cases  of 
crowding,  namely  those  in  which  three  or  more  persons 
occupy  each  room,  we  find  the  same  order.  Street-sellers 
again  lead  with  no  less  than  36  per  cent.,  coal-porters  come 
next  with  30  per  cent.,  and  dock-labourers  follow  with 
28^  per  cent. 

In  no  other  occupations  are  the  signs  of  poverty  and  dis- 
comfort quite  so  great,  but  the  section  of  general  labourers 
is  not  far  behind  in  this  unenviable  competition.  These 
labourers  are,  however,  a  selection  of  the  poorest  out  of  many 
employments,  and  therefore  do  not  enter  quite  fairly  into 
comparison.     A  large  number  of  them  are,  indeed,  actually 


CROWDING  AND  APPARENT  POVERTY.  7 

employed  as  dock-labourers,  coal-porters,  or   strect-scllera, 
but  being  illiterate  or  without  any  special  pride  in  their 
calling,  put  themselves  down  in  tlie  census  schedule  merely 
as    "  labouring   men/^      That  this  must  be  so  is  certain, 
because  the  totals  given  in  the  census,  especially  for  dock- 
labourers  and  costermongers,  are  undoubtedly  very  much 
below  the  true  figures,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  number 
of  '^ general  labourers"  (returned  as  nearly  eighty  thousand) 
would  not  otherwise  be  accounted  for.     General  labourers 
include  also  a  proportion  of  loafers  (though  of  these  a  large 
number  would  claim  a  trade),  but  for  the  rest  are   made 
up  of   contingents  from   many  occupations,  being  usually 
men  emplo^-ed  in  unspecialized  work  who  do  not  associate 
themselves — at   any    rate   by    name — with    any    particular 
trade,  but  are  able  to  move  from  one  kind  of  business  to 
another,  doing,  wherever  it  may  be  required,  labour  of  a 
rough  character.     To  some  extent,  of  course,  this  general 
heading  may  also  comprise  men  whose  work,  though  un- 
skilled and  simply  called  ''  labour,"  requires  special  practice. 
But  when  labourers  are  specially  employed,  and  particularly 
when    detailed   to    assist    handicraftsmen,    they    are    fully 
entitled  and  generally  disposed  to  call  themselves  by  the 
name  of  the  trade  in  which  they  give  assistance,  as  brick- 
layers'   labourers,    labourers    in    gasworks,    or    chemical 
labourers,    &c.       If    returned    in    this    way    they    cease_, 
from    the   point   of   view  of  the   census,  to    be    "  general 
laboui'ers,"     and    are     included    with     bricklayers,     gas- 
workers,    &c.     Some,  however,  return  themselves  in    one 
way  and  some  in  the  other,  and  the  result  is  a  confusion 
much  to  be  deplored,  but  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  suggest 
any  remedy,  so  long  at  least  as  the  householder  and  not 
the  enumerator  is  responsible  for  the  correct  filling  up  of 
the  schedule. 


Taule    I. — Sections   arranged   in   order  of  aj)parent  poverty 
of  heads  of  families  (1.891). 


Sections. 


Percentage 
OF  Crow  DING. 


Costers  and  street- sellers 

Coal-porters   

Dock-labourers 

General  labourers 

Carmen  

Bricklayers     

Municipal  labour,  &c.  ... 

Plasterersct  paperhangers 

Paper  manufactures    ... 

Painters  and  glaziers    ... 

Hemp,  jute,  and  fibre  ... 

Masons   

Cab  and  omnibus  service 

Cabinet  makers,  &c 

Boot  and  shoe-makers... 

Woollens  and  carpets  ... 

Warehousemen,  &c 

Gasworks  service  ..'. 

Glass  and  earthenware... 

Brass, copper.tin, lead, &c. 

Machinists 

Bailway  labour 

Blacksmiths  

Bookbinders  

Factory  labour  (undef.)... 

General  shop-keepers  ... 

Extra  service 

Brush-makers   

Tailors    

Locksmiths,  &c 

Country  labour     

Sundry  workers  in  iron 
and  steel 

Brewers  and  mineral 
water  makers     

Carriage  building 

Leather  dressing,  &c.  ... 

Engine  drivers  (undef.).. 

Coopers  

Trimmings,  &c 

Shirt-makers  and  seam- 
stresses   

Lightermen    

Printers 

Saddlery,  harness,  <&c....j 


W.5  & 


65 

69 

G4 

65 

(J2h 

63 

58i 
56 

59i 
58" 

53i 

55 

53 
51 

54i 
53 

49 

55 

49 

52i 

47 
45i 
45i 
45 

52J 
49 
48 
52 

45 

52 

45 

5U 

45 

46 

44 

Uh 

43 

48 

m 
m 

42 

47 
44 
43 

4U 

45 

4U 

44 

4H 
40i 

42 
47 

40i 
40i 

45 

46. 

40 

47 

39i 

43J: 

38i 

444 

38 

37i 

37" 

36^ 

36i 

36 

35i 

85i 
35 
34i 
34 


42 

42?; 

41' 

43 

38 

38 

43 

37^ 
37 
37 
41 


Sections. 


Percentage 
OF  Ckowijino. 


Millers,  &c 

Plumbers    

Tobacco  workers  

India-rubber,  &c 

Musical  instruments,  &c. 
Carpenters  and  joiners... 

Hatters    

Seamen  

Chemicals  

Dyers  and  cleaners  

Soap,  candles,  and  glue 

Railway  service     

Engineering,  &c , 

Silk  and  fancy  textiles, 
Bakers  and  confectioners 
Surgical, &c., instruments 

Police,  etc 

Dock  and  wharf   service 

Dress-makers,  &c 

Butchers  &  fishmongers 

Gardeners,  &c 

Jewellers,  &c 

Milk-sellers    

Shipwrights,  &c 

Watches  and  clocks ... 

Art  and  amusement ... 

Builders 

Coal,  wood,& corn  dealers 

Stationers  

Grocers,  &c 

Ironmongers,  &c 

Booksellers,  &c 

Civil  it  municii^al  service 

Medicine 

Army  and  navy     

Commercial  clerks    

Publicans   

Drapers  

Literature  and  science .. 

Religion , 

Merchants,  brokers,  &c 

Education  

Lodging  &  coffee-houses 

Law 

Architects,  &c 


■<  5 

C3 
fa 

34 
34 
33 
33 

32. V 
34 

30^- 

2y.L 

28l- 

28L 

28" 

21h 

27" 

26?. 

26" 

26 

25i 

24| 

23i 

23| 

22i- 

22 

22 

21 

m 

19 

ISA 

17i 

15 

15 

15 

14 

13 

10  i 

loi 

10 
10 

7 

6 

5i 
5 
5 
4 


■OSS 


39i 

39 

42 

39i 

37 

33 

36i 

33 

36 

37 

34 

28 

29 

33 

38 

30 

26 

27^ 

29i 

34 

26 

28 

30 

24 

28 

23;^ 

35i 

32 

25 

24^ 

24 

20J 

15 

20 

15 

"i 
22.i 

15i 

H 
9 
13 

10 

7 


Note. — As  in  previous  volumes,  the  deductions  for  employers  and  their 
families  have  been  made  on  the  assumption  that  they  will  live  under  better 
conditions  than  the  bulk  of  those  they  employ. 


CROWDING  AND  APPARENT  POVERTY.  9 

Of  tlie  eighty  thousand  general  labourers,  those  who 
arc  assistants  in  skilled  trades  are  better  off  than  the 
rest,  and  most  of  them  -will  be  found  living  in  the 
outer  circle,  where  are  situated  the  factories  at  which 
they  work.  On  the  whole,  the  section  shows  58^  per  cent, 
of  crowding,  or  omitting  a  few  employers  (returned,  we 
suppose,  as  "master  labourers^'),  59^  per  cent.  This  rate 
rises  to  70  per  cent,  in  the  inner,  but  falls  to  51^  per  cent, 
in  the  outer  ring.  Of  extreme  crowding  there  is  26 
per  cent. 

Next  in  order  of  apparent  poverty  comes  the  great 
body  of  carmen  with  56  per  cent,  of  crowded  families,  or 
58  per  cent,  if  employers  are  omitted.  The  percentage  of 
crowdinof  is  62  in  the  inner  and  50  in  the  outer  circle,  and 
amongst  them  there  is  27  per  cent,  of  extreme  crowding. 

These  five  sections — street-sellers,  coal-porters,  dock- 
labourers,  general  labourers  and  carmen — together  include 
88,469  heads  of  families,  or  a  total  of  399,690  persons, 
of  whom  no  less  than  235,281  exist  under  crowded  con- 
ditions, while  109,390  are  so  crowded  as  to  be  living  three 
or  more  persons  to  a  room.  Even  in  the  outer  circle, 
where  rents  are  comparatively  moderate,  over  114,000 
of  these  people  are  to  be  found  living  two  or  more  persons 
to  each  room  occupied. 

After  allowing  for  all  possible  limitations,  these  figures 
indicate  an  appalling  amount  of  poverty  and  discomfort 
among  those  engaged  in  these  occupations. 

The  second  grade  in  the  comparison  we  are  attempt- 
ing to  make  is  occupied  by  a  group  from  the  building 
trades — bricklayers  (including  scaffolders  and  labourers), 
plasterers  (including  whitewashers)  and  painters,  of  whom 
many  are  very  irregularly  employed.  To  these  we  have 
added  those  engaged  in  drainage,  &c.,  including  scavengers 
and  others  em23loyed  in  the  care  of  the  streets.  Brick- 
layers have  55  per  cent.,  municipal  labour  54^  per  cent., 
plasterers    53    per    cent.,    and   painters   52^  per    cent,  of 


10  COMPARISONS. 

crowding,  employers  being  omitted  in  each  case.  To  this 
group  may  be  added,  as  of  kindred  employment,  the  masons 
and  their  labourers,  although  they  are  somewhat  better  off, 
showing  only  49  per  cent,  of  crowding.  In  these  sections 
taken  together  we  find  50,842  heads  of  families  (including 
employers)  and  a  population  of  238,229  persons,  of  whom 
120,04")  live  under  crowded  conditions,  51,554  being  very 
crowded.  In  this  case  75,000  of  the  crowded  live  in 
the  outer  circle,  where  there  is  least  excuse  for  so 
unfavourable  a  condition  of  life. 

Having  now  dealt  with  the  sections  which  include  the 
great  bulk  of  the  labourers,  Ave  pass  to  manufacture  and 
other  employments  iu  which  the  proportion  of  those 
living  in  crowded  homes  falls  gradually  from  50  to  less 
than  5  per  cent.  This  is  shown  in  the  summary  on  the 
opposite  page,  in  which  both  employers  and  employed  are 
iududcd. 

Fully  one-half  of  the  population  (omitting  inmates  of 
institutions)  show  from  30  to  65  per  cent,  of  crowding,  and 
in  this  half  are  included  by  far  the  greater  number  of  ordi- 
nary industrial  occupations.  Engine  and  machine  makers 
and  those  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  chemicals  or  in 
dyeing  and  cleaning  (all  very  modern  trades)  fall  just  below 
30  per  cent.  Lower  rates  apply  to  the  professional  classes, 
shop-keepers,  commercial  clerks,  police,  and  a  few  old 
established  highly  skilled  employments,  such  as  silk  weaving 
and  watch  making.  It  may  be  that  in  these  cases  there  is 
less  apparent  crowding  because  the  accommodation  some- 
times includes  the  workshop.  If  employees  only  arc 
considered,  the  list  of  occupations  with  less  than  30  per 
cent,  of  crowding  would  be  still  further  restricted. 

The  question  then  arises,  who  are  all  these  people  in  every 
trade  who  lead  so  pinched  an  existence,  and  why  is  it  that 
their  mean-s  are  so  restricted  or  their  standard  of  house 
room  so  low  ? 

Leforc    any    complete    answer   can   be   given   to   theso 


Table  II. — Summary  tStatcment.     {Arranged  in  order  of  crowding.) 


Occupations. 
[Figures  in  parentheses  indicate  proportion  of  crowding.] 


Costers  and  street-sellers  (65'2),   coal-porters  (fJ3-9),') 
dock-labourers  ((32-5),  general  labourers  (5S-oj,  car-  - 

men  (5(j'2) j 

Bricklayers  (53-7),  municipal  labour  (53-1),  i^lasterers  | 

(50-8),  painters  (48-8),  masons  (-lo-?)    i" 

Paper  (490),  hemp  (40-8),  warehouse-men  (45-2).  wool- 1 

lens,  &c.  (4r)-0)  / 

Cab  and  onniibus  service  (45'7)  

Cabinet-makers  (45-2),  boot  and  shoe-makers  (44-9j,  1 

machinists  (42-5),  tailors  (40-0) J' 

Glass   and  earthenware    (43-1),   brass,  tin,  lead,  &c.\ 
(42-7),  factory  labour  undefined  (41-7),  book-binders  I 

(41'3),  extra  service  (40-5),  brush-makers  (40-3) j 

Gasworks  service  (43-9),  railway  labour  (42"1),  black- 
smiths (41"G),  general  shop-keepers  (40-3),  lock- 
smiths (39. G) 

Iron  and  steel-workers  (38-2),  carriage  building  (3G'8), 
leather  dressing,  &c.  (36'7),  cooj^ers  (35 '9),  saddlers 
(34-2),  plumbers  (33-9),  tobacco  workers  (33-0), 
india-rubber,  <&c.  {32-9),  musical  instruments  and 

toys  (32-4),  carpenters  {ol-5)  

Country  labour  (38-7),  brewers  and  mineral  water' 
makers  (37'G),  engine  drivers,  &c.,  undef.  (3G-7), 
shirt-makers,  &c.  (35-6),  trimmings,  &c.  (35-5), 
lightermen    (35-0),    printers    (34-3),   millers    (34-1), 

hatters  (30-5),  seamen  (30-6)  , 

Chemicals  (29-3),  soap,  candles,  &c.  (28-7),  dyers  and 
cleaners  (28-5),  engineering  (27"o),  silk  (26'9),  sur- 
gical, &c..  instruments  (261),  dressmakers,  etc., 
(24-3),    jewellers,    &c.    (22-4),    shipwrights    (22-1), 

watches  and  clocks  (21-0)    

Hallway  service  (27-8),  bakers,  etc.  (26-3),  police  (25-9),] 
dock  service  (25'3),  gardeners  (23-6),  butchers  and  [ 

lishmongers  (23-4),  milk-sellers  (22-2)  ) 

Art  and  amusement  (19'3),  civil  and  municipal  service] 

(13-8),  medicine  (12-6),  army  and  navy  (10-4),  litera-  • 

ture  (7'0),  religion  (G-3),  education  (5-3),  law  (5-2)... ) 

Builders  (19-1),  clerks  (10-6),  merchants  (61),  archi-) 

tects  (4-0)   I 

Corn,  (tc,  dealers  (185),  stationers  (17"3),  iron-] 
mongers,  &c.  (15-3),  grocers,  etc.  (15-2),  booksellers  ' 
(14-9),  drapers  (99),  publicans  (99),  lodging-house  j 
keepers  (49)  j 


Total 

Domestic  service  *    

Pensioners,  means,  institutions  and  servants  in  charge 


Families. 


Popula- 

tiun. 


Crowded 

2  or  more 

in  each 

room. 


88,409 

50,842 

23,223 
32,588 
74,110 

61,993 
25,748 

66,7C0 


399,690 


235,281 


238,229  120,045 

99,945  45,707 

144,237  65,877 

333,898  145,685 


229,991 


120,045 


PercentaSf 
cruwdfd. 


94,51£ 


55  to  50 

50  to  45 

45 
45  to  40 

do. 


49,699        do. 


312,031  1106,122 


50,790    242,041 


50,400 

05,914 

00,040 
64,566 

59,161 


780,065 

19,224 

126,877 


203,793 

310,576 

270,793 
308,582 


294,248      30,399 


84,993 


40  to  20 


do. 


52,358  I  30  to  20 


78,153 

30,190 
31,318 


3,509.299  1,170,340 
70,453 
031,991 


Total  of  families  and  population |  926,766  i4,211,743 


do. 


f  20  and 
I  under 


do. 


do. 


33 


*  Includes  only  those  occupied  in  service  who  have  homes  of  their  own  ;  the  others  are 
enumerated  with  the  families  they  serve. 


12  COMFAEISONS. 

questions  it  -will  be  necessary  to  sum  up  and  bring  to  a 
point  nnicli  of  tlie  information  gatlicred  together  in  the 
preceding  volumes  of  this  work.  As  a  first  step,  we  may 
carry  forwaid  our  comparisons  into  earnings  and  into  the 
relation  between  standard  of  earnings  and  standard  of  life. 


CHAPTER   II. 

CROWDING    AND    EARNINGS. 


Poverty  (tested  by  (Juowdinq)  compared  with  Earnings. 

Our  attempt  to  connect  tlie  evidence  as  to  poverty  based 
upon  crowding  with  that  obtained  as  to  remuneration  in 
each  trade,  has  met  with  only  partial  success.  The 
obstacles  ai'e  great.  Of  these  the  first  is  the  difficulty 
of  making  in  most  trades  any  list  of  employees  and  their 
wages  which  represents  fairly  the  whole  body  of  those 
occupied  ;  and  the  second  is  that  of  estimating  the  annual 
value  of  more  or  less  irregular  employment. 

The  plan  adopted  has  been  to  obtain  from  as  many 
employers  as  possible  a  detailed  statement  of  actual 
amounts  earned  by  those  whom  they  employ,  either  in  one 
average  week;  or  in  two  different  weeks,,  one  chosen  when 
trade  is  active,  the  other  when  trade  is  slack.  Taken 
together  these  returns  give  average  earnings  for  an  average 
number — not  necessarily  or  probably  the  true  average 
for  the  year,  but  an  approximation  to  it ;  and  similarly 
the  busy  and  slack  weeks  when  compared  give  a  measure — 
but  not  a  strictly  accurate  measure — of  irregularity  of 
employment  indicated  by  the  numbers  working  and  the 
amounts  earned  at  different  times.  It  is  evident  that 
nothing  short  of  particulars  which  should  include  the  whole 
working  population  for  every  week  in  the  year,  could 
give  completely  correct  results,  and  that  such  details 
would  be  unattainable  even  by  a  public  inquiry.  As  a 
response  to  an  unauthorised  private  inquirer  the  amount 
of  information  obtained  has  been,  I  venture  to  say,  remark- 
able ;  and  is  a  strong  proof  of  good-will  on  the  part  of 
employers  and  employed  and  of  the  lively  interest  taken 


1-1  COMPAIilSONS. 

in  social  industrial  problems.  While  admitting  tlie  imper- 
fection oE  the  results  I  very  gratefully  acknowledge  the 
assistance  I  have  received. 

The  inexactitude  of  the  relation  between  poverty  and 
domestic  crowding  is  another  difficulty  which  cannot  bo 
ignored,  and  though  I  have  already  referred  to  this  point  in 
the  preceding  chapter,  it  is  necessary  here  to  lay  stress  upon 
it  once  more.  It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  we  reckon  as 
livino;  under  crowded  conditions  those  whose  house  accom- 
modation  is  limited  to  one  room  for  each  two  or  more  persons, 
and  that  the  number  of  persons  so  situated  was  found  to 
agree  very  closely  with  the  total  accounted  as  "poor"  in 
the  classification  of  the  population  given  in  the  "  Poverty 
Series  "  of  this  work,  namely,  those  whose  earnings  were 
supposed  not  to  exceed  21s  a  week  for  a  "  small  "  family.* 
This  general  agreement  in  results  did  not,  however,  hold 
good  in  all  districts  alike,  some  being  more  crowded  than 
poor,  and  others  more  poor  than  crowded.  Where  rents  are 
high,  crowding,  as  already  intimated,  is  sometimes  com- 
patil)le  with  good  living  from  every  other  point  of  view, 
while  where  house  accommodation  is  plentiful  the  opposite 
may  be  true.  On  the  whole  we  find  that  this  distinction 
coincides  with  the  inner  and  outer  circles  of  London. 

Dealing  with  these  difficulties  as  well  as  we  could,  wo 
have  endeavoured,  trade  by  trade,  to  put  together  the  data 
for  a  comparison  between  earnings  and  style  of  life  for  the 
whole  population.  In  some  sections  we  have  succeeded 
fairly  ;  in  others  not  so  well.  In  every  trade  some  pro- 
vision has  to  be  made  to  cover  irregularity  of  employment, 
or  to  meet  the  probability  of  rates  of  wages  lower  than 
are  shown  in  our  returns ;  but  these  adjustments  vary 
in  extent.  Allowance  had  also  to  be  made  for  reasonable 
deductions    from    gross    earnings,   such,    for    instance,  as 

•  A  "  small  family  "  is  considered  to  consist  of  about  four  members,  and 
provides  the  best  basis  of  comparison  with  the  earnings  of  the  head  of  the 
family  only. 


CROWDING  AND  EARNINGS.  IS 

expense  of  travelling  to  and  from  work,  cost  of  tools,  or 
trade-union  subscription.  In  view  of  these  considerations, 
it  is  perhaps  not  surprising  if  nominal  earnings  of  from  25.S 
to  30s  a  week  still  fall  within  the  lines  of  our  measure  of 
poverty.*  This,  however,  can  be  shown  more  clearly  in 
detail. 

Besides  those  whose  earnings  are  irregular  and  uncertain, 
there  are  in  every  trade  some  who,  though  claiming  that 
trade  as  their  occupation,  yet  never  work.  Whatever  bo 
the  reason,  whether  it  be  old  age,  or  sickness,  or  idleness, 
or  any  other  cause,  the  fact  remains  that  they  neither 
Avork  nor  earn,  and  though  perhaps  nominally  heads  of 
families,  are  probably  supported  by  wife  or  children.  The 
inclusion  of  these  men  with  other  heads  of  families  no  doubt 
tends  to  increase  the  apparent  poverty  of  the  trade.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  fact  that  our  wages  returns,  which 
include  mai*ried  and  single,  lodgers  as  well  as  householders, 
are  compared  with  the  social  condition  of  heads  of  families 
only,  Avill  tend  somewhat  in  the  opposite  direction ;  for  it 
is  fair  to  suppose  that,  amongst  adults,  heads  of  families 
have  the  best  and  most  regular  employment. 

Turning  now  to  our  task,  and  taking  first  the  building 
trade  with  its  nine  sections,  we  find  on  the  whole  45  per 
cent,  of  crowding,  while  our  returns  show  only  40  per 
cent,  of  earnings  under  30s.  (See  Table  III.,  p.  16.) 
What,  then,  is  a  nominal  30^  worth  to  men  employed 
in  these  trades,  and  do  our  figures  fairly  rejDresent  the 
whole  trade  ? 

That  this  employment  is  subject  to  great  fluctuation  is 
well  known.     Our  returns  show  a  difference  between  busy 

*  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  net  wages,  whatever  they  may  amount 
to,  are  not  necessarily  or  even  usually  the  total  income  if  the  family  is 
large.  To  the  earnings  of  the  head  of  the  family  must  be  added  not  only  the 
earnings  of  children  or  wife,  but  also  money  received  from  lodgers.  They  may, 
however,  stand  fairly  enough  as  the  basis  of  the  comparison  here  instituted, 
■with  the  supposed  21s  income  taken  as  the  "line  of  poverty"  for  a  small 
family. 


Table    III. — Earnings  {for  one  xceeh)  in  various  Employ- 
ments,  rompnred  with  conditions  as  to  crowding. 


TraDE  Section's. 


Building  trades  

Cabinet  makers,  do 

Carriage  building    

Coopers    

Shipwrights,  &c 

Sundry  workers  in  iron  and  steel 

Brass,  copper,  tin,  lead,  Ac 

Jewellers,  ttc 

Watches  and  clocks  

Surgical,  Ac,  instruments    

Musical  instruments  and  toys  ... 

Glass  and  earthenware 

Chemicals    

Soap,  candles,  glue,  Ac 

Leather  dressing,  Ac 

Saddlery,  harness,  Ac 

Brush-makers 

Printers    

Book-binders  

Paper  manufactures  

Stationers    

Booksellers,  Ac 

Silk  and  woollen  goods 

Dyers  and  cleaners    

Hemp,  jute,  and  fibre    

India-rubber,  Ac 

Hatters 

Trimmings,  Ac 

Drapers,  Ac 

Millers,  Ac 

Brewers    

Mineral  water  makers    

Bakers  and  confectioners 

Milksellers  

Butchers  and  fishmongers    

Grocers,  Ac 

Cab  and  omnibus  service 

Carmen    

Coal-porters 

Gasworks  service    

Warehousemen  and  messengers 

General  labourers  

Enpine     drivers    and    artisans 
(undefined)  


NCMBEBS. 


PnOPORTIOXS. 


Adult 

Males 

eniployed. 


*97,873 

29,51.5 

7,.S48 

2,978 

1,813 

36,702 

11,180 

4,748 

2,143 

5,184 

5,885 

2,973 

2,375 

1,149 

8,281 

2,440 

2,229 

25!'^  80 

4,621 

2,459 

3,301 

3,468 

2,388 

750 

1,285 

1,317 

2,228 

4,062 

10,873 

1,377 

2,909 

5.59 

10,471 

4,.503 

14,873 

11,542 

33,961 

33,519 

4,.S69 

5,529 

28,733 

70,035 

13,626 


Sclie- 
duleU. 


5,066 
591 
685 
367 
140 
13,203 

1,402 
412 
147 
830 
308 
743 
403 

1,276 
665 
207 
367 

2,164 
781 
270 
263 
399 
90 
114 
134 
518 
208 
170 
911 
909 

1,223 
258 
431 
179 
223 
770 

1,979 

2,311 
958 

4,976 
976 

2,335 

090 


Wases 

undiT 

25s. 


Crowded 

(em- 
ployees 
only). 


per  ceut. 

m 

14 
34 

8 
18^ 
32 
241 

3i 
20 
10 
17 
18 
26J 
33 
27 

9 
14 
14i 

19 

20 

32* 

38" 

36 

46^ 

34 

14^ 
25^ 
38 
46| 
34 
56i 
28 
78 
38 
33 
4 
60 
16 
19 
39% 
43 

16 


per  ceut. 
45 
52 
41 
38 
24 
36 
49i 
28 
28 
30 
37 
48 
32 
31 
39 
42 
39 
37 
44 
34 
25 
21 
30 
37 
51 
39J 
36 
43 
15* 
39| 
40 
51% 
46% 
30 
34 
39 
48 
58 
65 
44i 
46| 
09% 

.30  .\ 


Wages 

under 

30s. 


pel'  I  ei.t. 

40 

30 

51 

28% 

25 

46 

43% 

16% 

36 

25 

30 

32 

46* 

57% 

44 

32% 

32 

25% 

28 

42 

38 

56% 

56 

59% 

71% 

58i 

32% 

50 

53% 

72% 

76 

75 

58 

90% 

60 

64% 

26% 

79% 

28 

34% 

66 

78 

30 


•  Omitting  architects. 


CROWDING  AND  EARNINGS.  17 

and  slack  woeks  of  50  per  cent,  in  numbers  employed,  as 
■well  as  7  per  cent,  in  average  amounts  earned  by  those 
who  are  still  working-.  Wages,  maintained  at  a  high  level, 
are  paid  by  the  hour,  and  men  who  work  by  the  job 
have  frequent  intervals  of  idleness.  The  consequent 
irregularity  in  earnings  is  indicated  to  some  extent  in 
the  returns  from  employers.  If  a  man,  his  job  being 
finished,  knocks  off  work  in  the  middle  of  a  week,  the 
fact  is  reflected  in  the  money  he  earns  for  that  week, 
and  would  in  this  way  correctly  affect  the  average  figure. 
It  might  indeed  happen  that  a  man  leaving  one  emjaloyer 
(on  a  AVednesday,  for  instance),  filled  up  his  week  else- 
where, in  which  case  our  returns  would  show  too  little 
instead  of  too  much ;  but  on  the  other  hand  whole  weeks 
may  be  lost  between .  one  piece  of  work  and  the  next, 
especially  in  winter. 

Comparing  actual  earnings  with  full  pay  for  forty- 
eight  hours'  work  in  the  week,  the  loss  through  irregu- 
larity of  employment  is  estimated  as  being  equal  to  the 
difference  between  38s  and  31s  6d,  or  28s  and  23s  3d  (see 
Vol.  I.,  "  Industry,"  p.  129),  or  from  6s  Gd  to  4s  9d  a  week. 
This  difference  is  reduced  to  from  4s  3d  to  2s  3d  if  the 
comparison  is  made  with  the  already  modiBed  figures  of  our 
returns.*  Travelling  expenses,  too,  are  an  almost  constant 
charge.  Men  in  the  building  trades  must  follow  the  work,  and 
cannot  continually  move  their  homes.  Some  high  estimates 
are  given  of  the  cost  of  travelling  (see  Vol.  I.,  "  Industiy," 
p.  125),  and  it  is  probable  that  not  less  than  Is  a  week  on  the 
average  is  absorbed  in  this  way.  If  to  these  deductions  we 
add  the  trade-union  subscription,  it  would  seem  not  unreason- 
able to  reduce  the  estimated  wage  figures  by  nearly  5s  a  week 
in  order  to  state  fairly  the  net  cash  income  available  for 

*  The  extent  to  which  unavoidable  irregularity  of  work  is  aggravated  by 
the  irregular  conduct  of  the  worker,  or  by  a  lack  of  effort  on  his  part  to  find 
work,  cannot  be  gauged,  but  our  estimates  are  supposed  to  represent  the 
actual  loss  of  time  of  men  of  good  character  and  average  energy. 

V  2 


IS  COMPARIf=;OXS. 

personal  expeuditure.  This  would  make  the  proportion  cf 
crowding  coincide  with  the  proportion  of  those  whose  real 
earnings  are  something  less  than  25.9.  But  even  so,  we  are 
still  4s  above  the  poverty  standard  of  21^,  and  have  to  find 
the  explanation  (if  the  standard  be  still  accepted)  either  in 
money  which  never  reaches  the  home^  but  is  spent  in  drink 
or  other  forms  of  generosity  or  extravagance,  or  in  the 
probability  that  our  sample  represents  a  more  or  less 
picked  body  of  men. 

These  explanations  combined  ma}'^  perhaps  sufficiently 
account  for  the  discrepancy  between  the  two  classifica- 
tions, neither  of  Avhich,  as  we  have  already  said,  can 
pretend  to  be  more  than  a  rough  approximation  to  the 
truth.  It  must  be  remembered  that  rates  of  waofes 
in  these  trades  are  jealously  guarded  by  trade  -  union 
action,  and  amongst  capable  workmen  the  proportion  of 
unionists  is  large.  Competent  men,  whether  unionists  or 
not,  obtain  the  pick  of  the  work  and  earn  good  wages.  It  is 
the  less  capable  of  the  labourers,  so  far  as  they  are  never- 
theless included  with  the  skilled  men  in  the  total  numbers, 
who,  with  the  idle,  the  drunken,  and  the  sick,  pull  down  a  largo 
proportion  of  the  earnings  to  a  level  which  agrees  with  the 
apparently  impoverished  condition  in  which  so  many  are  living. 

As  a  general  rule,  taking  all  occupations  together,  tho 
line  of  crowding  coincides  with  the  proportion  of  workers 
whose  wages  are  below  25s.  Printing  and  book-binding 
form  the  only  other  important  group  of  trades  in  which  so 
high  a  rate  as  30s  of  nominal  earnings  must  be  taken  for 
this  comparison,  and  it  is  certainly  noteworthy  that  in  these, 
as  in  the  building  trades,  wages  have  been  raised  and  hours 
shortened  to  a  remarkable  extent  l)y  trade-union  action. 

Among  printers  we  find  that  37  per  cent,  of  heads  of 
families  are  ostensibly  poor,  while  of  the  21G4  men  for  whom 
we  have  wages  returns,  only  25  per  cent,  appear  as  earning 
less  than  3U.s'  a  week.  Work  in  this  trade  is  increasingly 
difficult  to  obtain,  and  the  payment  of  out-of-work  benefit 


CnoWDIXG  AND  EAnXIXGS.  19 

is  sci'ions!y  depleting  the  Societies'  funds.  Here  trade 
union  action  has  undoubtedly  overshot  its  mark,  with  the 
result  of  simultaneously  attracting  labour  to  London  and 
driving  trade  away.  Some  of  the  men  have  no  work,  many 
have  only  part  work,  while  all  who  are  employed  are 
lieavily  taxed  to  pay  out-of-work  benefits  and  to  sustain 
the  strength  of  the  organization  by  which  wages  are 
maintained  at  so  hi<j:h  a  level. 

The  book-binding  trade  shows  no  better  results  ;  44  per 
cent,  of  those  employed  live  under  crowded  conditions, 
as  compared  to  28  per  cent,  earning  less  than  30s.  This 
industry,  like  the  building  trade,  is  subject  to  very  great 
seasonal  irregularity,  amounting,  according  to  our  returns, 
to  17i  per  cent,  in  numbers  and  2H  per  cent,  in  money 
earned,  or  35  per  cent,  combined.  The  Board  ot  Trade 
returns  of  1880  show  the  still  greater  diminution  of  17  per 
cent,  in  numbers  and  37  per  cent,  in  money,  or  47i  per 
cent,  combined.  These  percentages  would  be  higher  still  if 
men  only  were  included,  as  most  of  the  boys,  and  more  women 
in  proportion  than  men,  are  kept  employed  in  slack  times. 

In  this  trade,  too,  the  unions  have  been  remarkably 
successful  in  raising  rates  of  wages,  stopping  overtime,  and 
reducing  the  regular  working  hours,  and  the  result,  we  are 
informed,  is  that,  whether  regularly  or  irregularly  employed, 
the  men  receive  on  the  average  less  money  than  formerly. 

"With  hatters,  also  a  highly  organized  body,  we  find  the 
same  comparison  holds,  that  namely  of  a  nominal  306'  wage 
with  the  line  of  poverty;  but  here  the  issue  is  confused 
by  the  inclusion  of  the  ill-organized  cap  makers  of  East 
London,  whose  comparatively  low  and  irregular  earnings 
aifect  the  average. 

Elsewhere,  as  a  rule,  the  proportion  of  those  who  are 
apparently  poor  tallies  with  the  number  whose  earnings 
are  below  25s.  For  instance,  in  the  metal  trades,  amongst 
engineers  and  workers  in  iron  and  steel,  we  find  32  per 
cent.  Avhose  nominal  earnings  are  below  25s  compared 
V  2  * 


80  COMPARISOXS. 

Tvith  30  per  cent,  living  under  crowded  conditions.  From 
tlicse  trades  we  have  returns  wliich  cover  thirteen  thousand 
out  of  the  census  total  of  36^000  emploj^ees — a  very  sufficient 
basis. 

As  a  contrast  to  this,  amongst  workers  in  "other 
metals/'*  i.e.  other  than  iron  and  steel,  we  find  50  per  cent. 
of  crowding,  whereas  our  returns  of  wages  show  only  25  per 
cent,  earning  less  than  25s.  The  main  explanation  o£  this 
large  discrepancy  lies  in  the  character  of  the  trade,  which 
includes  many  employers  in  a  very  small  way  of  business 
whose  workmen  are  quite  outside  the  range  of  our  wages 
statistics  and  undoubtedly  work  under  less  favourable 
conditions  than  the  employees  of  larger  firms.  There 
are  also  a  considerable  number  who  work  on  their 
own  account — employing  no  one — whose  earnings  are 
precarious.  Excessive  expenditure  on  drink,  due,  it 
seems,  to  dry  throats  caused  by  the  character  of  the 
work,  is  said  to  prevail  in  these  trades,  and  may  partly 
explain  the  <iiscrepanc3^ 

In  the  watch  and  clock  trades  again,  the  proportion  of 
crowded  compares  fairly  well  with  those  who  earn  less  than 
255,  but  the  number  to  whom  our  information  extends  is 
too  small  for  any  very  safe  comparison  to  be  made. 

In  those  trades  which  we  have  designated  as  "  sundry 
manufactures"  t  "^g  find  throughout  a  relation  more  or  less 
exact  subsisting  between  the  proportion  who  are  crowded 
and  the  proportion  returned  as  earning  less  than  25s  a 
week.  As  to  those  engaged  in  the  making  of  soap  and 
candles,  for  instance,  our  statistics  are  exceptionally  com- 
plete, including  actually  more  men  than  the  census  allots 
to  these  trades,  and  we  find  the  proportion  of  crowded  to 
bo  31  cent.,  and  of  those  earning  less  than  25s,  33 
oer  cent.  The  factories  arc  situated  in  the  outskirts  of 
London,  and  the  men  are  thus  afforded  the  great  economic 

*  Brass,  copper,  tin,  lead,  zinc,  &c. 

j  Chemicals,  soap  and  candles,  leather  dressing,  saddlery,  brushes,  c&c. 


CnOWDING  AND  EARNINGS.  2L 

advantage  of  living  near  tlieir  factory  in  a  neighbourliood 
■Nvliere  rents  are  low.  The  work  is  also  fairly  regulai'. 
Our  returns  agree  with  those  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in 
making  the  difference  between  busy  and  slack  times  only 
about  10  per  ceut.  in  numbers  and  10  per  cent,  in  amount 
earned.  Part  of  the  reduction  due  to  irregularity  would 
show  itself  in  our  figures,  and  taking  everything  into 
account  the  proportion  of  crowded  people  seems  rather 
hioher  than  it  should  be  in  this  trade. 

In  the  manufacture  of  cliemicals,  paint,  &c.,  we  require 
to  combine  our  figures  with  those  of  the  Board  of  Trade* 
as  representing  different  portions  of  the  group;  we  theu 
find  26 1  per  cent,  earning  less  than  255  as  against  32  per 
cent,  of  crowded.  These  figures  are  compounded  of  two 
distinct  elements;  for  the  men  in  the  white  lead  and  paint 
works  are  less  well  paid,  more  irregularly  employed  and 
more  liable  to  sickness  than  those  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  chemicals  and  some  other  cognate  industries. 
It  is  possible  that  we  have  not  compounded  these  elements 
in  due  proportion.f 

Dyers  and  cleaners  show  37  per  cent,  of  crowding  as 
compared  to  36  per  cent,  earning  less  than  25s,  and  india- 
rubber  and  floorcloth  workers  39  per  cent,  of  crowding 
compared  to  34  per  cent,  below  2os.  Silks,  fancy  textiles, 
woollens,  &c.,  taken  together  have  30  per  ceut.  of  crowd- 
ing compared  to  38  per  cent,  below  25s;  rope  and 
mat-makers,  51  per  cent,  of  crowding  with  46  per  cent,  of 
eaiminnfs  under  25s.  All  these  trades  suffer  the  ordinary 
degree  of  irregularity  of  employment,  and  may  be  supposed 
to  have  each  their  share  of  men  who,  from  one  cause  or 
another,  are  out  of  w^ork.  The  effect  of  all  this  on  real 
average  earnings  may  be  sufficient,  when   combined  with 

*  Our  returns  were  mostly  from  chemical  works,  and  those  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  mostly  from  paint  and  white  lead  works. 

t  This  difficulty  applies  more  or  less  throughout,  as  each  of  our  sections, 
and  many  even  of  the  census  headings,  include  a  number  of  distinct  trades 
to  which  varying  conditions  apply. 


23  CO.MPAIilSONS. 

necessnry  deductions  for  trade  expenses,  to  reduce  tho 
nominiil  25,s-  of  our  returns  to  about  the  same  level  as  tho 
21if  of  our  former  classification. 

With  millers,  sugar-refiuers,  brewers  and  mineral-water 
makers,  a  comjaarison  of  the  same  character  may  be 
made : 

Millers  and  sugar-refiners  39i7o  crowded  and  46^%  earning  under  25s. 
Brewers  40  %       „  34"  7° 

Mineral-water  makers        51i-7o      »>  ^^j7o  >»  »» 

That  there  are  comparatively  so  few  crowded  amongst 
the  millers,  &c.,  is  no  doubt  due  to  a  large  number  of  those 
returned  to  us  as  employed  in  these  ti'ades  passing  in  the 
census  as  "  general  labourers." 

Butchers  show  38  per  cent,  of  crowded  compared  to 
3't  per  cent,  earning  less  than  25s,  and  grocers,  &c.,  39  per 
cent.,  compared  to  33  per  cent  below  25.s.  Thus  on  tho 
whole  the  correspondence  betv/een  crowding  and  poverty 
appears  to  be  fairly  established. 

But  to  this  general  rule  there  are  some  exceptions 
to  be  noted  in  addition  to  those  already  mentioned.  In  the 
manufacture  of  glass  and  earthenware  48  per  cent,  of  the 
employees  are  living  in  apparent  poverty,  when,  according 
to  our  returns  (which  include  one-fourth  of  the  whole 
number  of  adult  males  employed),  only  32  per  cent,  earn 
less  than  30s,  and  only  18  per  cent,  less  than  25s.  Tho 
difference  in  numbers  employed  between  slack  and  busy 
weeks  is  very  slight  in  these  trades,  and  the  variation 
noticeable  in  earnings — 20  to  25  per  cent,  comparing  busy 
and  slack  times — is  supposed  to  be  taken  into  account  in  tho 
average  on  which  our  wages  statistics  are  based.  It  may 
bo  that  our  returns  are  in  some  way  not  fairly  repre- 
sentative, but  there  does  not  seem  to  bo  any  large  class, 
receiving  a  lower  scale  of  remuneration,  unrepresented  by 
our  figures.  On  the  whole  I  am  inclined  in  this  case  to 
doubt  the  correctness  of  the  returns  made  to  us — at  any  rate 
I  am  unable  to  find  any  other  explanation  of  this  discrepancy. 


CROWDING  AND  EAENINGS.  23 

The  trades  connected  with  leather  and  furs  show  39  per 
cent,  of  apparent  poverty  as  compared  to  only  27  per  cent, 
returned  as  earning  less  than  2bs,  but  in  this  group  are 
included  a  great  many  minor  industi-ies,  some  of  them  very 
ill-paid,  from  which  it  is  not  possible  to  obtain  lists  of 
wages.  There  is  also  some  sub-contract  work  which  makes 
it  impossible  for  the  manufacturers  to  give  complete  wages 
returns,  so  that  our  sample  is  certainly  inadequate.  Beyond 
this  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  those  employed  in  these 
trades  live  mostly  in  crowded  districts  where  rents  are 
high,  and  also  that  amongst  them  old-fashioned  habits  as 
to  drink  prevail  to  a  great  extent. 

Surgical,  scientific  and  musical  instrument  makers 
show  30  to  34  per  cent,  of  crowding  with,  according 
to  our  returns,  only  25  to  30  per  cent,  who  earn  less  than 
SOs.  With  these  main  trades  are  grouped  many  minor 
ones,  such  as  the  making  of  fishing-tackle,  magic-lanterns, 
games,  toys  and  tobacco-pipes,  and  a  good  deal  of  the 
manufacture  is  done  under  garret  masters  with  very 
irregular  conditions  of  work,  and  in  some  cases  with 
extremely  low  pay — all  outside  the  range  of  our  wages 
returns.  Jewellers,  too,  show  as  much  as  28  per  cent,  of 
crowding  with  only  16  per  cent,  whose  wages  are  below  30s. 
In  this  case  not  only  is  there  a  mass  of  cheap  work  done  for 
garret  masters,  but  the  foreigners  who  do  it  live  in  Central 
London  under  conditions  of  crowding  which  may  not 
always  be  connected  with  any  great  degree  of  poverty. 

Brush-making  again  is  a  most  uncertain  and  irregular 
employment.  The  return  from  one  firm  shows  no  less  than 
50  per  cent,  reduction  in  numbers  employed,  as  well  as 
fully  30  per  cent,  in  amounts  earned  per  head,  comparing  a 
slack  and  a  busy  week.  In  this  trade  Ave  find  39  per  cent, 
who  are  living  under  crowded  conditions,  whereas  our 
wages  returns  show  only  32  per  cent,  whose  earnings  are 
under  SOs.  So  far  as  this  discrepancy  is  not  accounted  for 
by  irregularity  of  work  and  consequent  loss  of  time,  it  is 


24  CO:\IPARISONS. 

probably  due  to  tbe  considerable  number  of  men  wlio  arc 
employed  in  small  workshops,  or  wlio  ■work  at  home  on 
their  own  account.  We  have  no  particulars  of  the  wao-es 
or  earnings  of  these  men,  but  they  are  undoubtedly  low. 

Coachmen,  cabmen  and  omnibus  men  are  another 
exception.  So  far  as  we  are  able  to  test  them  we  find  only 
2G  per  cent,  with  nominal  earnings  of  less  than  oOs,  whereas 
there  are  45  per  cent,  living  under  conditions  of  crowding. 
The  families  of  coachmen  and  cabmen  often  live,  rather 
tightly  packed,  in  rooms  over  stables,  and  are  not  on  that 
account  necessarily  to  be  accounted  poor.  In  these  trades, 
on  the  other  hand,  are  to  be  found  large  numbers  of  hangers 
on,  who  take  a  job  when  it  offers,  pick  up  a  living  as  they 
can,  and  evade  investigation. 

Carmen  are  in  this  respect  a  great  contrast  to  cabmen, 
&c.  Their  pay  though  low  cau  be  relied  on ;  amongst 
them,  consequently,  we  find  58  per  cent,  of  crowded  in  close 
agreement  with  60  per  cent,  earning  less  than  25*. 

For  dock  or  general  labourers,  coal -porters  and  gas- 
workers,  it  is  difficult  to  make  any  very  satisfactory 
comparison  between  earnings  and  style  of  life.  Among 
dock-labourers  who  earn  from  an  average  income  of  8s  or 
less  to  one  of  25s  or  30s  a  week,  we  find  62  per  cent,  of 
crowded  families.  Such  of  the  general  labourers  as  we 
have  returns  from,  show  43  per  cent,  under  25*,  whereas 
there  is  60  per  cent,  of  crowding,  but  those  to  whom  our 
returns  apply  are  the  more  regularly  employed.  A  better 
comparison  can  be  made  as  to  warehousemen  and  messen- 
gers, amongst  whom  we  find  46  per  cent,  of  crowding 
against  39  per  cent,  of  earnings  below  25s.  Gas-workers 
show  44  per  cent,  of  crowding  with  only  19  per  cent,  of 
earnings  under  25s,  or  33  per  cent,  under  306',  a  result 
which  reflects  very  clearly  the  effect  of  seasonal  irregularity 
in  this  trade;  and,  finally,  with  coal-porters  the  contrast 
between  earnings  when  at  work  and  result  in  comfort  of 
life  is  at  its  greatest^  as  wc  find  no  less  than  65  per  cent. 


CROWDING  AND  EARNINGS.  25 

living  nncler  crowded  conditions  while  only  IG  per  cent,  are 
returned  as  earning  less  than  25s,  and  only  28  per  cent, 
less  than  30s  per  week.  Or,  looking  at  the  other  end  of  the 
scale,  we  find  that  only  12  per  cent,  of  these  men  and  their 
families  are  so  well  off  as  to  live  with  less  than  one  person 
to  each  room  or  able  to  occupy  more  than  four  rooms  in 
all,  although  no  less  than  22  per  cent,  appear  to  earn  fully 
50s  a  w^eek.  Coal-porters  undoubtedly  earu  very  high 
wages  when  at  work,  but  do  not  for  the  most  part 
average  their  expenditure  in  good  and  bad  weeks  ;  they 
rather  spend  their  money  as  soon  as  made,  much  of  it 
undoubtedly  going  in  drink. 

On  the  whole,  reviewing  all  the  facts  before  us.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  line  of  poverty  in  Lond.on,  if  we  are  to 
accept  crowding  as  a  test,  lies  a  little  above  the  figure 
formerly  laid  down.  In  proof  of  this,  we  may  turn  to  the 
section  of  municipal  employment,  for  which  we  have 
remai'kably  full  statistics  collected  in  the  year  of  the  1891 
census  by  one  of  the  vestries.  The  men  have  regular  em- 
ployment, and  their  homes  are  distributed  in  all  parts  of 
London.  We  find  that  the  proportion  living  under 
crowded  conditions  agrees  with  the  percentage  of  those 
whose  wages  are  below  22s  or  23s,  which  would  be  mid- 
way between  21s  and  25s. 

It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  relationship 
between  the  statistics  of  remuneration  and  those  of  poverty 
as  tested  by  crowding  is  not  very  close.  The  discrepancies 
may  be  explained  and  bridged  over,  but  they  remain  in 
many  ways  more  remarkable  than  the  agreement  which 
underlies  them.  One  thing  is  abundantly  evident,  that  the 
full  amount  of  nominal  wages  does  not,  as  a  rule,  reach  the 
home.  Some  proportion  is  either  not  received  at  all  or  else 
is  dissipated  in  some  way  in  a  sufficient  number  of  cases  to 
materially  affect  the  averages.  Between  these  two  great 
causes  of  domestic  poverty — irregularity  of  earnings  and 


oG  COMPAniSOXS. 

irremilaritv  of  conduct,  both  of  Avliicli  act  in  tlio  same 
direction — it  is  not  possible  to  divide  very  exactly  the 
responsibility  for  impoverished  homes.  According  to  the 
bent  of  one's  mind  or  the  mood  of  the  moment,  greater 
importance  is  attached  to  this  cause  or  that,  and  the 
onlooker  remembers  the  uncertainties  of  Avork  or  dwells 
upon  the  recklessness  of  expenditure,  and  especially  of 
expenditure  in  drink.  Moreover,  these  causes  are  com- 
plicated by  interaction.  A  man  is  apt  to  drink  when  he  is 
idle,  as  well  as  to  lose  his  work  because  of  intemperate 
habits. 

Between  the  economic  position  of  families,  more  or  less 
uniform  in  size  and  known  to  be  earning  about  the  same 
money,  a  valuable  comparison  might  be  made.  If  made, 
it  would  undoubtedly  show  an  amazing  divergence, 
rapidly  increasing  as  time  went  on  and  self-restraint  and 
good  management  showed  their  cumulative  effect.  Some 
I'amilies  can  never  save  on  any  income,  while  others  succeed 
in  doing  so,  however  limited  may  be  their  means.  Moreover, 
what  is  true  of  savings  is  also  true  of  all  that  is  obtained 
for  money  spent ;  the  decency  and  comfort  of  the  home, 
the  quality  of  the  food  eaten,  and  the  perfection  or  imper- 
fection of  the  clothes  worn,  are  by  no  means  necessarily 
in  proportion  to  amount  earned.  On  all  these  points 
successful  results  are  possible  even  with  very  straitened 
means  if  the  man  is  loyal  and  the  woman  prudent,  whilo 
they  are  unattainable  without  these  virtues,  even  when  the 
earnings  are  much  larger;  and  it  may  be  noticed  that  wise 
spending  and  wise  saving  go  usually  hand-in-hand. 

It  is  not  my  object  now  to  discuss  the  moral  bearings 
of  these  questions.  I  merely  point  them  out  in  order  to 
account  in  part  for  the  divergency  between  earnings  and 
what  is  shown  for  them  on  the  average  in  many  trades. 
Dealing  with  broad  averages,  we  must  accept,  amongst 
other  conditions,  a  broad  average  view  of  human  nature, 
and  take  men  and  women    as   they  are,  not  refusing  to 


CROWDING  AND  EAENINGS.  27 

cccount  a  family  poor,  although  the  cause  of  poverty  may 
be  the  folly  of  the  woman  or  the  madness  of  the  man,  any 
more  than  if  it  be  phthisis  or  typhoid  fever. 

But  when  all  is  said  that  can  be  said  in  this  direction,  we 
have  still  to  turn  to  the  other  explanation  and  to  admit  that, 
owing  to  the  irregularity  of  industrial  life,  a  considerable 
part  of  the  nominal  earnings  in  very  many  trades  is  not 
received  at  all,  and  that  therefore  statistics  based  on  rates 
of  wages  may  be  very  delusive. 

Moreover,  when  we  bring  the  whole  population  under 
review  we  cannot  but  find  many  victims  of  poverty — the 
sick,  the  maimed,  the  unlucky,  the  foolish,  the  stupid,  the 
lazy  or  the  vicious,  as  well  as  old  persons  and  widows — ■ 
who  do  not  show  at  all  in  ordinary  industrial  statistics,  but 
who  nevertheless  find  their  places  in  the  census  amongst 
the  "  occupied,"  and  drag  down  the  average  condition  of 
the  population  accredited  to  the  trades  to  which  they  claim 
to  belong. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CORN  IN  OFv   OUT  OF  LONDON  AND  LIVING  IN  THE  INNER  OR 

OUTEK  CIRCLE. 


(1)  Born  in  or  out  op  London. 

On  the  wliole  50*2  per  cent,  of  the  heads  of  families  are 
returned  as  having  been  born  in  London,  and  an  examina- 
tion of  the  table  given  on  the  next  page  shows  that  the 
middle  position  is  exactly  occupied  by  grocers.  Civil 
servants,  commercial  clerks,  engine  and  machine  makers, 
bricklayers,  publicans,  and  those  engaged  upon  art  or  in 
providing  amusements,  lie  close  to  the  average  line  on 
either  hand,  and  general  labourers  are  very  little  above  it, 
there  being  52  per  cent,  of  them  born  in  London. 

Passing  to  the  extremes,  the  highest  proportion  of 
born  Londoners  is  found  amongst  the  heads  of  families 
engaged  in  bookbinding ;  indeed  the  most  essentially 
London  occupations  are  those  connected  with  paper  and 
print.  In  bookbinding  the  proportion  born  in  London 
actually  reaches  81  per  cent.,  in  paper  manufacture  {i.e. 
envelope  making,  &c.)  it  is  78  per  cent. ;  amongst  station- 
ers 70  per  cent. ;  and  with  printers  66  per  cent.  Tlio 
ancient  industry  of  brush-making  follows  with  70  per  cent., 
whilst  lightermen  who,  protected  by  privileges  handed 
down  from  father  to  son,  have  plied  their  trade  upon  the 
Thames  from  time  immemorial,  have  75  per  cent,  of  London 
born.  Those  engaged  in  making  musical  instruments  and 
toys  show  71  per  cent.,  and  so  do  the  manufacturers  of 
glass  and  earthenware.  With  coopers,  another  ancient 
industry,  the  percentage  is  09,  and  about  the  same  rate 
applies    to    cabinet   makers    and    the    workers    in    sundry 


BORN  IN  OR  OUT  OF  LONDON,  ETC. 


29 


Table  IV. — Showing  for  each  section  the  froportion  of  heads  of 
families  horn  in  London,  as  compared  to  those  living  in  the  Inner 
Ring  or  under  crowded  conditions. 


Section. 


Bookbinders 

Paper  manufactures 

lirushmakers    

Lightermen  

Glass  (t  earthenware 

Musical  instruments 
and  toys     

Stationers 

Coopers 

Trimmings,  &c.    ... 

General  shopkeepers 

Cabinet  makers    ... 

Brass,  copper,  Ac... 

Silk  &  fancy  textiles 

Woollens  &  carpets 

Hemp,  jute,  fibre... 

Printers 

Costers,  &c 

Dock-labourers 

Jewellers,  &c 

Plasterers,  &c 

Painters  and  glaziers 

India-rubber,  &c — 

Soap,  candles,  A'  glue 

Machinists     

Dyers  &  cleaners  ... 

Leather  dressing, &c 

Plumbers  

Locksmiths,  Ac.  ... 

Coal-porters 

Shipwrights,  &c.  ... 

Chemicals 

Surgical,  etc., instru- 
ments  

Booksellers,  etc.    ... 

Sundry  workers  in 
iron  and  steel    ... 

Hatters 

Carmen 

Warehousemen  and 
messengers    

Butchers,  &c 

Shirtmakers,  &c 

Ironmongers,  itc... 

Law    

Factory  Labour 
(undef.)  

Tobacco  workers  ... 

Watches  and  clocks 

Boot  ct  shoe  makers 

Coal,  wood,  &  corn 
dealers,  itc 


Born 

Living 

in 

in  Innor 

London 

Circle. 

Pernnt. 

Per  cnt. 

81 

58 

78 

60 

7(i 

57 

75 

52 

71 

52 

71 

30 

70 

35i 

69 

54 

69 

56 

68 

58 

68 

56 

68 

49 

68 

55 

68 

59 

67 

62 

66 

48 

66 

63 

66 

65 

65 

39 

65 

23 

65 

31 

63 

46 

63 

39 

62 

42 

62 

81 

62 

63 

62 

28 

62 

35 

61 

34 

60 

37 

60 

28 

59 

31 

58 

33 

57 

38 

57 

56 

57 

50 

57 

57 

56 

38 

56 

47 

55 

34 

54 

18 

53 

36 

53 

61 

53 

40 

52 

55 

52 

33 

Crowd 
ed. 


Per  cnt 
41 
49 
40 
35 
47 

32 

17 

30 

36 

40 

45 

43 

27 

45 

47 

34 

65 

62  i 

22" 

51 

49 

33 

29 

43 

28 

29 

36 

40 

64 

22 

29 

26 
15 

38 
30 
56 

45 
23J 
36" 
15 
5 

4U 
33" 
21 

45 

18i 


Section. 


General    labourers 

Dock  and  wharf 
service  

Extra  service  

Publicans 

Commercial  clerks 

Grocers 

Engive  drivers,  &c. 
(undef.)    

Civil  and  municipal 
service  

Bricklayers 

Art  and  amusement 

Engineering,  <tc.... 

Dressmaking,    &c. 

Municipal  labour. . . 

Country  labour    ... 

Blacksmiths    

Masons 

Millers,  etc 

Builders    

Carriage  building.. 

Gasworks  service... 

Unoccupied 

Seamen     

Saddlery,  &c 

Cab  and  omnibus 
service  

Household   service 

Merchants,  &c.    ... 

Carpenters  &  joiners 

Architects,  (ftc 

Bakers  and  confec- 
tioners   

Drapers,  etc 

Brewers  &  mineral- 
water  makers  ... 

Milksellers  

Medicine  

Tailors 

Literature  &  science 

Education    

Lodging  and  coffee- 
house keepers   ... 

Bail  way  service  ... 

Beligion    

Railway  labour   ... 

Gardeners,  &c.    ... 

Police   

Army  and  navy  ... 


Born 

in 

London. 


For  cnt. 
62 

52 

5U 

51 

51 

50 

49 

49i 

49 

49 

49 

49 

48 

47 

47 

46 

45 

44 

44 

43 

43 

42 

42 

42 
41 
41 
41 
40 

40 
40 

39 
37 
37 
37 
35 
35 


Liviti 

in  IniHT 

Circle. 


Per cnt 
37 

42 
43 
47 
19 
34 

36 

24 
31 
30 
28 
40 
36 
24 
35 
33 
46 
24 
35 
25 
28 
34 
44 

34 

47 
18 
28 
15 

39 
26 

57 
31 
35 
64 
20 
16 


Crowd- 
ed. 


34 
31 

47 
19 

27 

28 

22 

16 

22 

6 

17 

43 

12 

22 

General  average  i    50 


37 


I'er  cut. 
58i 

25 

40i 

10" 

37 

14 
54 
19 
27 
24 
53 
39 
42 
46 

19 

37 

44 

14 

30i 

34" 

46 
•38^ 

6 
31 

4 

26 
10 

37i 
22i 

40 
7 
5 

5 
28 

6 
42 
23i 
26 
10^ 


3ii 


30  COMPARISONS. 

metals  (a  mass  of  small  industries),  to  fancy  weaving,  mat 
and  rope  making,  tlie  manufacture  of  umbrellas,  artificial 
flowers  and  trimmings,  and  to  jewellers.  Amongst  coster- 
mongers  and  the  keepers  of  small  general  shops  the  rate  is 
GO  to  6S  per  cent. ;  with  dock-labourers  it  is  6(j  per  cent., 
and  with  painters  65  per  cent.  Such,  therefore,  are  the 
most  characteristic  employments  of  born  Londoners. 

Of  all  these  only  costermongers  and  dock-labourers  are 
exceptionally  poor,  but  the  average  of  crowding  is  high, 
being  about  43  per  cent,  in  these  trades  taken  together. 
It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  manufacturing  industries 
included  in  this  group  are,  with  the  exception  of  glass  and 
earthenware,  usually  conducted  on  a  small  scale,  and  several 
are  rather  declining  trades,  or  are  the  subjects  of  cheap 
sweated  labour.  In  London  industries,  the  born  Londoner 
does  not  seem  to  have  the  better  position. 

At  the  opposite  extreme  (omitting  soldiers,  who  are  but 
birds  of  passage),  we  find  the  police  with  only  17  per  cent. 
of  heads  of  families  London  born,  and  next  to  them  gar- 
deners and  railway  labourers  with  22  per  cent.,  and  railway 
servants,  of  whom  the  proportion  is  31  per  cent.  Then 
come  lodging-house  keepers  with  34  per  cent.,  teachers  with 
35  per  cent.,  tailors  (affected  by  Jewish  immigration)  37  per 
cent.,  milk-sellers  37  per  cent.,  brewers'  men  39  per  cent., 
bakers  40  per  cent.,  drapers  40  per  cent.,  and  cal)meu, 
&c.,  42  per  cent.  All  these  trades  draw  their  labour  from 
the  provinces,  with  the  excej/tion  of  tailors  and  bakers, 
who  are  largely  foreigners.  In  this  group  the  average 
percentage  of  crowding  is  34,  but  if  we  exclude  tailors 
and  cabmen,  who  are  subject  to  special  influences  which 
induce  crowding — the  tailors,  on  account  of  the  presence 
amongst  them  of  many  poor  Jews,  and  the  cabmen  and 
coachmen  owing  to  living  over  the  stables — the  average 
would  be  reduced  to  17  per  cent;  showing  again  that  in 
London  the  new  comers  on  the  whole  fare  much  better 
than  the  old  residents. 


BOnN  IN  on  OUT  OF  LONDON,  ETC.  31 

(2)  Living  in  the  Inner  or  Outer  Circle.* 

Turning  now  to  dwellers  in  the  inner  or  outer  circle,  wo 
find  for  all  London  08  per  cent,  of  families  living  in  the  inner, 
and  G2  per  cent,  in  the  outer  districts.  The  mean  position 
in  this  case  is  occupied  by  bakers,  butchers,  and  fishmongers, 
who,  as  they  cater  for  local  Avants,  are  found  fairly  evenly 
distributed  throughout  London.  The  same  thing  is  true 
of  general  labourers,  probably  for  a  similar  reason.  The 
extreme  instances  of  centralization  are  dock  labourers  (with 
dock  service  the  opposite  is  true),  tailors,  leather-dressers, 
fur-pullers,  &c.,  and  costermongers,  all  of  whom  have  63  to  05 
per  cent,  of  their  number  dwelling  in  the  inner  circle.  At 
the  other  end  of  the  scale  (not  to  mention  gardeners,  whose 
case  is  obvious)  we  find  professional  men  and  commercial 
clerks  with  only  15  to  20  per  cent,  living  in  the  inner,  and 
80  to  85  per  cent,  in  the  outer  districts. 

If  we  combine  these  comparisons,  we  find  that  there  is  a 
not  unnatural  numerical  connection  between  those  who 
have  been  born  in  London,  those  who  live  in  the  inner 
metropolitan  circle,  and  those  Avho  are  crowded  in  their 
homes.  Thus  the  sections  which  (as  to  their  heads  of 
families)  have  : — 

Per  cent.  Per  cent.  Per  cent. 

G5  to  81  born  in  London  show  48^  living  in  the  inner  circle  and  43    crowded. 
55  „  03  „  „  44i  „  „  38 

4o  „  o-i  ,,  ,,  34  ,,  ,,  31^        ,, 

37  „  44  „  „  35  „  „  29^        „ 

Below  37  „  „  22  „  „  18 

The  greater  the  proportion  of  born  Londoners,  the 
greater  also  the  proportion  of  those  living  in  the  central 
districts  of  London  and  the  larger  the  number,  too,  of  those 
whose  homes  are  crowded.     A  two-fold  influence  connects 

*  A  list  of  the  districts  comprised  in  the  inner  and  outer  circle  of  London 
respectively  is  given  in  Vol.  I.,  p.  2G. 


33  COMPAEISOXS. 

crowding  with  tlie  inner  circle;  for  not  only  does  poverty 
cause  most  crowding  where  accommodation  is  comparatively 
difficult  to  obtain  and  rents  high ;  but  much  of  the  worst- 
paid  work  demands  that  those  who  labour  at  it  shall  live 
in  proximity  to  the  markets,  warehouses  and  docks,  which, 
lining  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  are  situated  in  the  very 
midst  of  London. 

That  the  proportion  of  born  Londoners  is  greatest 
amongst  the  inhabitants  of  the  inner  circle  has  also  a  double 
bearing,  lending  support  to  two  theories  which  have  been 
put  forward  in  a  previous  volume,  the  one  that  the 
London-born  man  deteriorates  and  sinks  into  poverty, 
elbowed  out  by  the  vigorous  and  successful  immigrant,  the 
other  that  this  tendency  has  a  centripetal  aspect,  with  the 
result  that  men  or  generations  of  men  in  London,  gravitate 
inwards  and  downwards,  as  if  caught  in  a  pit,  out  of  which 
escape  is  diflficult. 

The  exceptions  to  this  general  rule,  which  connects  birth 
in  London  with  crowded  homes,  and  with  residence  in  its 
inward  parts,  are  worth  noting.  Trades  in  which  neither 
crowding  nor  living  in  the  inner  circle  are  found  to  bear  any 
relation  to  the  proportion  of  born  Londoners  are  mainly  those 
carried  .on  in  small  retail  local  shops— stationers,  book- 
.sellers,  jewellers,  ironmongers  and  drapers — and  the  same 
thing  is  true  of  builders.  In  all  these  trades  success  rests 
largely  on  establishment  for  many  years — or  "  good-wilP' 
as  it  is  called — an  advantage  handed  down  from  father  to 
son,  or  to  be  obtained  only  by  those  who,  as  old  residents, 
are  known  and  trusted  by  their  neighbours.  Thus  these 
trades  tend  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  Londoners.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  local  character  of  these  occupations,  from 
which  they  derive  their  strength,  causes  them  to  bo  found 
in  all  parts  of  London,  including  the  newer  residential 
districts  to  which  removal  is  made  as  needed.  Finally, 
whether  successful  or  unsuccessful,  the  necessity  of  having 
good  business  premises  precludes  much  domestic  crowding. 


nOllN  IN  OR  OUT  OF  LOXDOK,  ETC.  33 

Dyers  and  cleaners,  cliemical  workers  and  the  makers  of 
scientific  instruments,  form  another  group  in  which  also 
we  find  a  vei-y  considerable  proportion  of  Londoners  who 
live  in  the  outer  circle  and  are  not  much  crowded.  These 
are  all  trades  of  recent  development  which,  establishing 
their  factories  in  the  outskirts,  draw  readily  from  the 
London  market  the  kind  of  labour  they  require — labour 
which  demands  intelligence  and  adaptability,  rather  than 
any  special  skill  or  strength. 

Londoners  also  form  a  large  proportion  of  architects, 
lawyers,  civil  servants,  merchants  and  commercial  clerks, 
amongst  whom  there  is  very  little  crowding.  These  men, 
whose  working  hours  are  not  long,  and  rarely  begin 
before  9  or  half-past,  are  able  to  live  at  a  distance,  and 
even  the  poorest  of  them  have  a  standai'd  of  homo  life 
which  demands  sufficient  house-room. 

Tailors  provide  an  exception  of  a  different  kind.  Of 
these  a  very  large  proportion  live  in  the  inner  circle,  and 
amongst  them  there  is  a  good  deal  of  crowding,  but  only 
a  small  proportion — 37  per  cent,  of  heads  of  families  so 
employed — are  London  born.  This  anomalous  result  is 
plainly  due  to  the  hold  which  Jewish  immigrants  have 
obtained  in  this  trade. 

Instances  in  which  a  high  degree  of  crowding  accom- 
panies residence  in  the  outer  circle,  but  in  which  there 
are  only  a  small  proportion  of  Londoners,  may  be  found 
in  cab  and  omnibus  service,  gas-works  and  railway  labour. 
In  the  two  last  of  these  trades  we  find  the  worst-paid 
sections  of  country  immigrants.  Finally  we  have  a  few 
industries  in  which  considerable  numbers  live  in  the  inner 
circle,  although  those  engaged  are  neither  largely  London 
born  nor  much  crowded.  This  is  true  of  brewers,  coffee- 
house keepers  and  policemen.  The  great  London  breweries, 
being  very  old-established,  and  indifferent,  it  would  seem, 
to  considerations  of  rent,  are  centrally  situated.  Their 
employees  live  near  their  work,  often  in  houses  owned  by 
V  3 


31  COMPARISONS. 

the  brewery.  Policemen,  who  are  usually  recruited  from 
the  Provinces,  are  naturally  most  wanted  where  most 
people  congregate,  and  must  live  reasonably  near  their 
beat;  and  finally,  coffee-house  keepers  fiud  their  best 
opportunity  in  crowded  districts,  but  musfc  themselves 
occupy  comparatively  spacious  premises.  It  seems  that 
they  come  mostly  from  the  Provinces,  recruited,  perhaps, 
from  the  class  of  domestic  servants;  this,  however,  does 
not  apply  to  publicans,  of  whom  a  normal  proportion  are 
London  born. 

If  these  exceptions  (comprising  twenty  out  of  eighty- 
six  sections)  be  deducted — and  to  many  of  them  the  general 
principle  we  are  considering  is  manifestly  inapplicable — 
the  rule  as  regards  the  rest  stands  out  with  still  greater 
distinctness.  Thus  for  66  out  of  86  sections  we  have  the 
following  results  : — 

rer  cent.  Per  cent.  Per  cent. 

65  to  81  born  in  London  show  49    living  in  the  inner  circle  and  44-^  crowded. 

55  „  65  „  „  4CJ  „  „  41^        „ 


45  ,,  55 

»i 

II 

37^ 

II 

It 

38i 

»» 

37  „  45 

» 

II 

33 

>i 

i> 

27i 

t> 

Eelow  87 

II 

1) 

m 

11 

!• 

12i 

M 

In  all  these  sections  a  connection  is  shown  between  the 
proportion  of  heads  of  families  born  in  London,  and  resi- 
dence in  the  inner  circle  or  crowded  homes — one  or  both — 
and  the  fact  that  it  is  often  one  rather  than  both,  seems  to 
show  that  there  is  an  entirely  independent  connection 
between  the  first  and  each  of  the  other  two  conditions. 
That  is,  that  amongst  Londoners  there  is  a  tendency  to 
have  crowded  homes  as  well  as  to  live  in  the  inner  districts, 
and  not  at  all  necessarily  the  one  because  of  the  other. 

Among  other  reasons,  it  is  very  probable  that  the  London- 
born  man  becomes  accustomed  to  crowding,  and  feels  the 
need  of  air  and  space  less  than  country-bred  people. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SIZE  AND  CONSTITUTION  OP  THE  CENSUS  FAMILY. 


By  "  size  of  family "  is  usually  meant  the  number  of 
children  born  to  an}'  marriage,  but  the  particulars  extracted 
from  the  census  returns  for  the  purposes  of  this  book, 
give  no  information  o£  this  kind.  The  householders' 
schedules,  however  they  might  be  analysed,  would  afford 
no  accurate  information  on  this  point,  although  something 
more  might  perhaps  be  done  in  this  direction  than  has 
been  attempted  here.  All  that  has  been  noted  by  us  is 
the  number  of  individuals  included  in  each  schedule,  and 
whether  they  are  occupied  or  unoccupied ;  except  that 
domestic  servants  have  been  separately  stated. 

The  head  of  the  family  is  always  counted  as  occupied. 
Even  if  unemployed  at  the  time,  a  man  will  be  sure  to 
return  himself  under  the  occupation  which  he  usually 
follows,  and  those  whose  vocation  is  not  otherwise  stated 
are  included  amongst  the  occupied  as  "  living  on  their  own 
means."  The  ''other  occupied"  members  of  each  family 
are  such  as  claim  status  by  employment  of  some  kind ;  the 
unoccupied  are  those  who  make  no  such  claim.  Those 
who  make  the  claim  of  occupation  are  doubtless  at 
work  and  may  be  supposed  to  earn  their  own  living  or 
contribute  substantially  to  the  family  purse.  The  usual 
plan,  adopted  by  children  as  well  as  lodgers  who  board, 
is  to  pay  a  weekly  sum  to  cover  the  expense  of  their 
keep.  What  more  they  earn  goes  for  private  purposes,  for 
dress  or  pleasure,  &c. 

Amongst  the  wives  there  are  some^  and  amongst  the 
V  3  * 


3G  COMPARISONS. 

single  women  and  girls  tliere  are  many,  wlio,  tlioiigli  tliey 
do  not  admit  tliat  they  are  employed  in  any  trade,  and 
make  no  claim  to  industrial  status,  yet  do  undertake 
regular  work  and  are  paid  for  it.  In  some  of  the  trades 
in  which  young  women  are  engaged,  it  is  certain  that  the 
actual  number  of  girls  employed  far  exceeds  the  number 
returned  in  the  census,  and  as  the  missing  girls  are  not  to 
be  found  under  any  other  heading  we  can  only  assume 
that  their  occupation,  whatever  it  might  be,  was  not 
mentioned  in  the  census  schedule.  Beyond  this  there  is 
a  good  deal  of  remunerated  work  done  by  young  ladies 
"for  a  friend,"  or  under  some  other  genteel  and  euphemistic 
subterfuge,  by  those  whose  social  position  Avould,  it  is 
thought,  suffer  by  the  open  acknowledgment  of  regular 
employment.  Of  these  some  no  doubt  really  work  for  their 
living,  but  many  more  work  rather  for  pocket-money. 

Wives  and  young  children  form  the  bulk  of  the 
unoccupied  members  of  all  families,  while  of  the  "  others 
occupied  "  the  greater  part  will  be  older  children  who  are 
at  work ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  no  necessary 
blood  relationship  exists  between  the  members  of  a 
census  family.  Boarders,  lodgers,  visitors,  and  domestic 
servants  are  included.  The  bond  is  merely  that  of  tho 
household.  Those  who  live  under  the  same  roof  or  in  tho 
same  apartments,  using  probably  the  same  kitchen  fire, 
arc  accounted  as  members  of  one  family.  Thus,  in 
comparing  one  group  with  another  as  to  size  of  family, 
it  is  necessary  to  take  into  account  the  way  in  which  these 
families  are  made  up.  There  are  usually  more  members  all 
told  when  a  man  is  the  head  than  v/hen  a  woman  fills  that 
place.  For  a  woman  to  be  at  the  head  implies  in  effect 
that  a  man  is  missing,  and  his  absence  naturally  affects 
also  the  number  of  children,  especially  young  children ; 
consequently  we  find  that  the  average  number  per  family 
in  women's  trades  is  about  one  less  than  in  men's  employ- 
ments j  and  in  trades  which  afford  a  mixture  of  male  and 


SIZE  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CENSUS  FAMILY.        37 

female    lieads    tlie    average  number  is   reduced  closely  in 
accordance  with  this  rule. 

In  pursuing  our  comparison  allowance  must  be  made  for 
this  fact;  it  is  also  necessary  to  deduct  servants,  as  to 
include  them  v/ould  swell  the  totals  in  some  sections 
considerably  more  than  in  others.  Deducting  servants, 
and  assuming  that  families  of  which  a  woman  is  the 
head  contain  on  the  average  one  less  than  the  others,  \vc 
obtain  the  statement  of  comparative  size  of  families 
given  on  the  next  page. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  table  that  of  families  with  male 
heads,  lodging  and  coffee-house  keepers  and  publicans 
stand  first  with  a  little  over  five  individuals  to  each 
family,  and  that  doctors  come  last  with  an  average  of 
three-and-a-half  only.  Speaking  generally,  the  families  of 
labouring  men  vary  from  5  to  4h  members,  and  those 
of  the  professional  classes  from  4|  to  3^  members,  but 
there  are  some  exceptions  to  this,  and  there  are,  as  wo 
have  seen,  many  considerations  to  be  taken  into  account  in 
making  the  comparison. 

As  to  lodging  and  coffee-house  keepers  and  publicans, 
it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  large  totals  are  caused  by 
abnormal  numbers  of  "others  occupied."  Of  these  some  are 
lodgers  who  board,  while  others,  living  on  the  premises,  are 
employed  in  capacities  which  do  not  count  as  domestic 
service ;  consequently  some  deduction  must  be  made,  and 
the  first  place  as  to  real  size  of  family  (that  is  in  the 
ordinary  sense)  undoubtedly  passes  to  builders,  who  show  a 
high  average  both  of  occupied  and  unoccupied  memberc, 
and  among  whom  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any 
excessive  proportion  of  lodgers  or  visitors  would  be  found. 

Builders,  with  whom  the  average  is  4"99,  are  followed  by 
plasterers  and  dock  service  with  4"88  members  per  family; 
then  come  gasworks  service  and  shipwrights,  4'84- ;  m-asons 
and  coopers,  4*82  ;  and  so  on  step  by  step  in  close  gradation 
to  4'50,  or  less,  for  various  industrial  pursuits. 

ill,,;  \i'y(lf^'-r'^ 


Table  Y. — Comparative  Size  and  Constitution  of  Families  xcith 

Male  Heads. 


Section. 


LcKlpins      •nil      coffee- 
house keepers    

Publicans    

Kuilders  

rUsterers    and    paper- 
hangi-rs    

Dock  aud  wharf  service 

Gasworks  strvice 

Shipwrishts,  &c 

Masons 

Coopers    - 

Ooa'i-porters    

Lighlerincn    

Batchers  k  flshmongers 

Blacksmiths   

Leit'icr  dressing,  &c.  ... 

Bricklayers 

Sundry  workers  in  iron 
and  stetl 

Coal,woo<l.icom.d2alcrs 

I./>ck.sniiths,  &c 

Brass,  copper,  tin,  &c. 

Plumbers 

Cabinet  makers,  &c.    ... 

Milk-sellers [def.) 

Engine  drivers.,  4c.  (un- 

Bakersand  confectioners 

India-rubber,  &c 

Carpenters  and  Joiners 

Canncn    

Tobacco  workers  

Engineering,  ic 

OlasD  and   eailhenware 

Bmsh-makc-r^    

Dyers  and  cleaners  

Millers,  &c 

Country  labour     

Chetiiii-als   

Carriage  building 

Brewers,  Ac 

Painten  and  glaziers   ... 

Ilemp,  Jute,  libre 

Railway  lenice 

Railway  labour 

Orr>ceri,  4c 

Police  and  Prfnons  

General  ihof>-kce|iers  ... 


Number 
of 

families 


8.S§1 

10,234 

6,S51 

5,106 
1,014 
4,350 
1,696 
4,73S 
2,566 
3-243 
4,075 

15,7S1 
8,164 
7,369 

14,325 

6,494 
4,220 
3,475 
9,417 
5,127 

2S,4S4 
5,014 
9,599 
9,879 
1,207 

24,749 

25,202 
3,738 

15,449 
2,444 
2,142 
773 
1,134 
2,231 
2,094 
0.200 
2,779 

22,934 
1,181 

15,311 
2,5C3 

14,947 
8,501 
5,784 


Aver 

age 


512 
5  07 
4-99 

4-SS 
488 
484 
4 -84 
482 
4-82 
4-78 
4-77 
4-75 
4-73 
4-73 
4-72 

4-71 
4-71 
4-70 
4-68 
4-68 
4-C7 
4-66 
4-66 
4-60 
405 
4-64 
4-64 
4-63 
4-62 
4-62 
4-02 
4-02 
4-62 
4-01 
4-60 
4-00 
400 
4-59 
4-59 
4-59 
4-58 
4-58 
4-58 
4-67 


Constitution. 


215 
1-66 
1-14 

•97 
•97 
•82 

112 
•98 

113 
■79 
•SO 
•98 
•94 

1-04 
•91 

•92 

1^02 
•93 
•89 
•SO 

1-03 
•97 
•92 

1^17 
•98 
•93 
•82 

1-07 
•88 
•86 

I^IO 

1-17 
•92 
•95 
•94 
•95 
•88 
•90 

1'19 
•86 
•93 

1-00 
•02 

111 


3 
o 
o    . 

on 


1-97 
2-41 

285 

2-91 
291 
302 
2-72 
284 
2-69 
2-99 
2-SS 
2-77 
2-79 
2'69 
2-Sl 

2-79 
2-69 
2-77 
2^79 
2-SS 
2-64 
2-00 
2-74 
2-49 
2-67 
2-71 
2-S2 
2-56 
2-74 
2-70 
2^40 
2-45 
2-70 
2-00 
2-60 
2-05 
2-72 
2-00 
2-40 
2-73 
2  05 
2-52 
290 
2-46 


Section. 


Boot  and  shoe-makers  .. 

Musical   iii.st.  and  toys 

Ironmongers,  4c 

Soap,  candles,  glue,  &c. 

Oock  labourers 

Printers  

Jewellers,  4c 

Municipal  labour, water- 
works, 4c 

General  labourers 

Saddlery,    harness,  &c. 

Drapers,  4c 

Stationers   

Factory  labour  (undcf.) 

Tailors 

Hook-binders 

Woollens  and  carpets  . . . 

Cab  and  omnibus  service 

Hatters    

Merchants,  brokers,  &c. 

Paper  manufactures 

Watches  aud  clocks 

Civil  and  municipal  serv. 

Surgical,  4c., instruments 

Booksellers,  4c 

Architects,  4c 

Gardeners,  4c 

Trimmings,  4c 

Warehousemen,       Mes- 
sengers, 4c 

Seamen 

Religion  

Costers  and  street-sellers 

Commercial  clerks  

Unoccupied    

Silk  and  fancy  textiles.. 

Education  

Law  

Machinists 

Extra  service 

Household  service,  4c. 

Literature  and    science 

Art  and  amusement 

Army  and  navy    

Dress-makers,  iStc 

Medicine 

Shii-tniakers,  &c 


Number 

of 
families. 


20,387 
6,274 
4,5-2'J 
1,003 
0,002 

17,S40 
4,487 

3,020 

44,517 
2,303 
0,143 
3,054 
3,454 

10,900 

3,473 

913 

32,506 
1,928 

13,077 
2,143 
2,072 

13,378 
4,103 
4,004 
3,073 
7,490 
3,592 

17,046 
3,577 
4,019 
5,050 

40,131 

34,835 
1,206 
4,342 
7,734 
810 
9,334 

13,629 
2,492 
8,401 
3,834 
1,479 
7,057 
724 


Aver- 
ago 
size. 


4-50 
4-50 
4-54 
4-53 
4-52 
4-52 
4-52 

4-52 
4-4S 
4-48 
4-47 
4-46 
4-45 
4-42 
4-41 
4-41 
4-41 
4-40 
4-40 
4-3S 
4-3S 
4-35 
4-33 
4-33 
4-29 
4-29 
4-2S 

4-28 
4^25 
4-22 
4^20 
4-lS 
4-17 
4^12 
4^11 
4-05 
4-03 
3-9S 
3-90 
3-S7 
3-87 
3-71 
3-57 
3-51 
3-27 


Coiistitutioii. 


1-08 
•97 

1-11 
•99 
•SS 
•89 

1-02 

•95 

•84 

•97 

1^25 

1-00 

•S4 

1-14 

1-05 

1-10 

•SO 

1-OS 

•92 

1-09 

1-07 

•S2 

•SO 

•97 

•83 

•92 

1-lS 

•S9 

•84 

l^ll 

1^03 

•79 

1^24 

1^2S 

1^15 

•75 

•97 

1-44 

•90 

•77 

•90 

•55 

1^21 

•91 

1^24 


SIZE  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CENSUS  FAMILY.       39 

The  numbers  of  the  occupied,  and  still  ciore  of  the 
unoccupied,  show  wider  variations  than  the  total ;  for  if  the 
one  falls  short  the  other  often  makes  up  the  deficiency  to 
some  extent.  Taking  the  occupied  we  find,  out  of  eighty-four 
sections,  sixty-nine  which  show  an  average  per  family  of  not 
less  than  "8  or  more  than  1"1,  and  a  considerable  proportion 
lie  between  '9  and  1*0.  When  the  figure  is  over  I'O  it  is 
due  either  to  the  inclusion  in  the  family  circle  of  employees 
residing  and  working  on  the  premises,  as  with  publicans, 
bakers,  and  drapers ;  or  of  learners  living  with  their 
employers,  as  with  tailors  and  boot-makers,  and  other  trades 
in  which  many  foreigners  are  employed.  Or  it  may  be  owing 
to  the  presence  of  an  exceptionally  large  proportion  of  middle 
aged  or  elderly  men  amongst  the  heads  of  families,  and 
consequently  of  grown  up  sons  and  daughters,  as  with 
builders,  shipwrights,  coopers,  and  watch-makers;  or  to 
the  wives  working  and  returning  themselves  accordingly, 
as  with  brush-makers  and  sack-makers  (included  under 
workers  in  hemp,  jute,  &c.).  The  same  peculiarity  of  a 
high  proportion  of  "others  occupied''  applies  also  to  those 
who  come  under  the  headings  of  religion  and  education, 
due  no  doubt  to  the  presence  as  boarders  of  pupil  teachers 
and  students,  who  count  as  "occupied"  in  the  census 
returns. 

The  instances  where  there  are  less  than  '8  "other 
occupied  "  persons  per  family  are  very  few — namely,  army 
and  navy,  police,  commercial  clerks,  and  those  engaged  in 
literature  and  science.  A  low  average  age  for  the  heads 
of  families  is  doubtless  the  explanation  in  every  case, 
except,  perhaps,  as  to  literature  and  science,  where  a 
higher  class  is  touched  and  an  entirely  different  social 
condition  prevails. 

Turning  now  to  unoccupied  members,  the  number  varies 
from  3"02  to  TGO  per  family.  The  latter  is  quite  abnormal, 
being  found  only  with  medical  men,  the  exigencies  of 
whose  profession  often  make  it  necessary  for  them  to  have 


40  C02IFAniS0NS. 

an  establishment  of  their  own  at  an  age  when  other  men 
are  still  living-  with  their  parents^  or  as  boarders  in 
lodgings.  Within  the  range  of  from  2  to  3  per  famil}', 
the  numbers  of  the  unoccupied  vary  from  section  to 
section,  and  it  appears  that  this  element  is  the  best  test 
of  size  of  family  in  the  ordinary  sense.  The  maximum 
number  (3'02)  is  found  with  gasworks  service,  followed 
closely  by  the  allied  trade  of  coal-porters  (2-99).  It  may 
be  remembered  that  these  two  trades  gave  a  very  bad 
result  for  crowding  compared  to  the  supposed  earnings, 
and  in  the  excessive  proportion  of  dependents  we  have,  so  far 
as  it  goes,  an  explanation.  In  both  of  these  industries 
the  number  of  "  other  occupied  "  members  is  considerably 
below  average.  It  is  probable  that  the  irregularity  of  em- 
ployment of  the  heads  of  these  families  militates  against  the 
stability  of  the  home.  In  such  homes  children  early  leave 
the  nest,  and  lodgers  are  less  frequently  found  than  where 
there  can  be  a  more  settled  and  therefore  more  comfortable 
domestic  life.  It  may  be  also  that  the  grimy  character  of 
the  m:in's  work  has  its  effect.  Who,  for  instance,  would 
by  choice  lodge  at  the  house  of  a  sweep  ?  The  same  com- 
bination— a  large  proportion  of  unoccupied  with  a  small 
proportion  of  occupied — is  present  with  policemen,  and  is 
undoubtedly  due  in  this  case  to  the  low  average  age  of  the 
head  of  family  and  probable  presence  of  young  children. 

From  3  to  2^  unoccupied  (and  therefore  dependent) 
members  is  the  usual  number  in  all  ordinary  working-class 
employments.  Where  the  number  is  less  than  2|-  it  is 
usually  due  to  the  fact  that  the  wives  work,  as  with  silk- 
weavers  (who  are  also  exceptionally  old),  sack-makers, 
paper-bag,  box,  and  envelope  makers,  book-binders,  hatters, 
&c.  To  these  may  be  added  watchmakers  and  gardeners 
as  of  above  avei'age  age,  and  lodging-house  keepers  and 
publicans — trades  which  are  not  well  suited  for  those  who 
have  many  young  children,  and  to  which,  on  the  other 
Land,  men  often  retire  when  their  children  are  no  longer 


SIZE  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CENSUS  FAMILY.       41 

young.      In  the  same  category  are  stationers,  drapers,  and 

ironmongers,  employments   in  which  the  young  men  arc 

rarely  heads  of  families,  at  any  rate  in  the  census  meaning 

of  the  term,  and  soldiers  and  sailors  who   naturally  have 

but  small  families.     Otherwise  those  whose  families  contain 

less  than  2|    unoccupied  members  belong   mainly    to  the 

mercantile  and  professional  classes,  as  under : — 

Merchants  and  brokers    2-48 

Architects  2-4G 

Commercial  clerks    239 

Religion 2  11 

Literature  2  10 

Education  2  04 

Art  and  amusement l'J(3 

Medicine IGO 

There  are,  however,  two  other  instances  for  which  no 
explanation  readily  offers.  These  are  warehousemen  (2-39), 
and  costermongers  (2-17).  It  may  be  that  coster  children 
go  to  work  very  early.  It  is  difficult  also  to  find  adequate 
explanation  for  so  wide  a  difference  as  exists  in  some 
instances  amongst  the  ordinary  working  and  trading 
classes — but  perhaps  we  have  already  pressed  these 
statistics  far  enough  in  endeavouring  to  make  them  yield 
their  full  meaning.  There  is,  at  all  events,  a  quite  remark- 
able uniformity  in  the  figures  for  all  ordinary  unskilled 
labour,  country  labour  showing  2-66  unoccupied  members 
per  family,  railway  labour,  2'G5,  dock  and  general  labour, 
2-64,  and  factory  labour,  2-61.  Uniformity  of  result 
could  hardly  go  further. 

At  this  point  it  may  be  of  interest  to  note  the  proportion 
of  the  adult  males  in  each  section  who  are  heads  of  families. 
This  proportion  has  an  extraordinary  range,  varying  from 
85  per  cent,  with  shipwrights  to  34  per  cent,  with  seamen 
and  30  per  cent  with  army  and  navy  (see  table  on  p.  42). 

This  proportion  and  the  constitution  of  the  average  family 
are  closely  connected  with  the  ages  of  the  persons  employed 
in  each  section,  of  which  we  shall  treat  next.  They  are 
also  affected  by  economic  position  and  class  habits. 


43 


coMnnisoNS. 


Tacle  VI. — Percentage  of  Male  Heads  of  Families  to  Males 
over  20  {census  (1891)  enumeration). 


Section. 


Per 

Cent. 


i 


Shipwrights,  Ac 

lUiildtns  

Publicans    

Dock  and  wharf  service    

Mimiciiial  labour   

riastciors  and   paperhangers 

Extra  service 

Coopers,  itc 

Masons    

Carpenters  and  joiners 

India-rubber,  tfcc 

Railway  labour  

Gasworks  service  

Bricklajers 

General  shop-keepers    

Tobacco  workers    

Coal,  wood  and  corn  dealers 

Blacksmiths    

Lightermen     

Dyers  and  cleaners    

Religion  

Painters  and  glaziers    

Locksmiths,  <S:c 

Brush-makers     

Cabinet  makers,  &c 

Sundry   workers  in  iron  and 

steel 

Ijeather  dressing,  Ac 

Hemp,  jute,  and  fibre    

Boot  and  shoe-makers  

Engineering,  &c 

Trimmings,  (tc 

(iardeners,  &c 

Coal-porters    

Brewers   and    mineral   water 

makers     

Carriage  building  

Woollens,  carpets  

Milk-sellers    

Brass,  copper,  tin,  lead,  &c 

(  hem icals  

Booksellers,  &c , 

Soap,  candles,  glue,  Ac.  .. 

Saddlery,  harness,  Ac 

Silk  and  fancy  textiles , 

Cab  and  omnibus  service.. 
Carmen    


8.") 
81} 
83 
81 
81 
79i 
7!) 
ixh 
78" 
78 
78 
78 
78 
'     llh 
Til 
77" 
77 
7() 
76 
7oJ, 
75" 
75 
75 
75 

74i 

74^ 

74l 

74| 

74 

74 

74 

74 

73^ 
73 
73 
73 

7-J:V 

Til 

72:"V 

Tf 

72 

72 

72 

72 


Section. 


Musical  instruments  and  toys 

Tailors 

Millers,  Ac 

Watches  and  clocks  

Paper  manufactures 

Butchers  and  lishmongers  ... 

Grocers,  Ac 

Railway  service 

Police  

Jewellers,  Ac 

Glass  and  earthenware 

Engine  drivers  and  artisans 
(undefined) 

Hatters    

Dressmakers,  Ac 

Plumbers 

Ironmongers,  Ac 

Merchants,  brokers,  Ac 

Dock  labourers  

Unoccupied 

Bookbinders    

Civil  and  municipal  service... 

Factory  labourers  (undef.)  ... 

Medicine 

Stationers   

Bakers  and  confectioners 

Shirtmakers,  Ac 

Surgical,  Ac,  instruments  ... 

Country  labour  

Literature,  Ac 

Architects,  Ac 

Printers  

Lodging  and  coffee-house 
keepers    

Education  

General  labourers 

Art  and  amusement , 

Law 

Warehousemen  and  messen- 
gers   

Costers  and  street-sellers 

Commercial  clerks    

Machinists 

Drapers,  Ac 

Household  service 

Seamen    

Army  and  Navy 


Per 
Cent. 


71i 

llh 

71i 

71 

71 

71 

71 

71 

70§ 

70| 

70i 

70J 

70' 

70 

G9i 

C'.)| 

G9| 

69^ 

69i 

09 

69 

68^ 

68i 

68 

67 

67 

664 

66i 

66i 

65| 

65i 

64 

64 

63i 

63 

62 

61 

60 

53J 

52Ap 

45 

37i 

34 

30 


CHAPTER  Y. 

AGE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  OCCUPIED  CLASSES. 


Fob  eacli  trade  section,  or  for  nearly  every  sucli  section  in 
the  four  preceding  volumes,  a  diagram  lias  been  furnished 
comparing  the  ages  of  occupied  males  in  the  section  with 
the  age  distribution  of  all  occupied  males  in  London,  Some 
trades  follow  almost  exactly  the  general  line,  whilst  others 
show  a  special  surplus  or  special  deficiency  of  young 
persons,  or  of  those  in  middle  life,  or  in  old  age,  as  the  case 
may  be.  Others,  again,  show  marked  irregularities,  pointing 
usually  either  to  the  combination  under  one  heading  of 
trades  with  different  characteristics,  or  to  some  notable 
industrial  change  (as,  for  instance,  a  surplus  of  old  men  in 
decaying  industries,  or  their  entire  absence  in  trades  of 
recent  origin),  or  indicating,  it  may  be,  the  substitution 
of  boy  labour  or  female  labour  for  that  of  adult  men. 

The  diagram  herewith  (I.)  shows  four  separate  curves 
chosen  to  represent  (1)  the  normal  line,  (2)  an  exaggerated 
number  of  young  persons,  (o)  the  absence  of  young  men, 
and  (4)  an  excess  of  old  men.  In  studying  these  curves  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  every  elevation  of  one  part  of 
the  line  has  a  depressing  effect  elsewhere ;  but  it  is  never- 
theless in  most  cr.ses  possible  to  determine  whether  excess 
or  deficiency  is  the  active  agent,  or  whether  both  influences 
must  be  counted. 

The  object  of  the  proposed  comparison  is  to  show,  as 
a  study  of  industrial  friction,  the  manner  in  which  oppor- 
tunities of  employment  necessarily  shift  from  trade  to 
trade  as  the  workers  pass  from  boyhood  to  old  age. 

In  some  trades  there  are  hardly  any  young  people 
employed,  and  in  others  comparatively  few  who  are  not 
young.  In  only  a  few  trades  is  the  proportion  at  every 
age  quite  the  same  as  that  of  the  whole  occupied,  popula- 


44 


co^iPArasoxs. 


tioD,    and    those    -with   only   a   slight    divergence    are  not 
numerous.     It  follows  thac  a  very  large  number  of  people 
necessarily  change  their  trade  at  least  once,  as  they  pass 
from  boyhood  to  manhood  and  from  manhood  to  old  age. 
In  the  following  trades  avo  find  true  proportions  at  each 

age:— 

Cabinet  makers. 

Engineering,  &c. 

Sundry  iron  and  steel-workers. 

Leather-dressers,  &c. 

Booksellers. 

Millers,  &c. 

The  boy  who  starts  work  in  any  of  these  trades  may 
fairly  hope  to  live  his  life  and  end  his  days  in  it.  It  is  only 
if  the  trade  contracts  that  any  of  its  members  need  to  look 
for  other  work. 

The  trades  which  show  very  slight  deviations  from  the 
normal  line  are  : — 


Occupation. 


Direction  of  other  deviations. 


Brass,  copper,  tin,  load,  &c.,  workers... 
Engine  drivers  and  artisans  (undefined) 
Musical  instrument  and  toy-makers  ... 
Saddlers  and  harness-makers  

Jewellers,  gold  and  silver  workers  

General  labourers  

Seamen    

Tailors 

Hatters 

Law  


Excess  of  youths. 


Deficiency  of  youths  and 

in  prime  of  life. 
Deficiency  of  youths. 


Deficiency  of  youths  and 
in  prime  of  life  ;  excess 
of  old. 

Deficiency  in  prime  of 
life  and  excess  of  old. 

Excess  in  prime  of  life. 


o  o 


In  these  trades  the  ages  of  those  employed  are  so 
nearly  normal  as  not  materially  to  affect  the  questions 
of  movement  and  friction,  but  of  no  other  employments 
can  this  be  said.  In  some  cases  almost  every  boy  who 
enters  a  trade  does  so  knowing  that  his  future  will  lie 
elsewhere.  In  others  the  demand  is  for  the  very  cream  of 
manhood;  boys  are  not  wanted,  and  the  muscle  and  ncrvo 


AGE  DISTIilBUTION  OF  THE  OCCUPIED  CLASSES. 


45 


of  even  the  middle-aged  becomes  too  stiff.  In  this  respect 
almost  every  occupation,  as  an  examination  of  the  diagrams 
given  in  preceding  volumes  shows,  has  its  peculiarity. 

It  is  not  very  easy  to  make  an  effective  comparison  of 
this  kind,  but  something  may  bo  done  by  grouping  together 
those  occupations  which  show  more  or  less  similar  peculi- 
arities :  and  this  we  will  attempt  in  a  sequence  beginning 
with  those  in  which  the  young  prevail,  and  ending  with 
the  occupations  which  especially  favour  the  old. 

The  trades  which  have  an  exaggerated  proportion  of  boys 
and  young  men  are  : — 


Occupation. 

Principal  deviation  from 
normal  line. 

Direction  of  other  deviations. 

Warehousemen  and 

messengers 

Strong 

;]y  marked 

excess 

to  20 

Deficiency  30  and  up. 

Factory        labour 

(undefined) 

»» 

If 

i> 

Commercial  clerks, 

&c 

25 

Printers    

30 

Deficiency  45  and  up. 

Drapers,  etc 

»> 

»> 

Army  and  navy  . . . 

>) 

») 

Deficiency  45  and  up. 

Domestic  service  . 

5  J 

i> 

Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 

Soap,  candles,  glue, 

&c.,  manuf 

Moderate  excess 

to  20 

Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 

Chemical   workers 

)> 

)  9 

Hemp,    jute,    and 

fibre  workers  ... 

>i 

}l 

Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 

Paper      manufac- 

turers     

Civil  and  municipal 

service  

Stationers    

>» 

,,25 

Look-binders  

»> 

s> 

Glass  and  earthen- 

ware manuf.    ... 

»> 

91 

Ironmongers,  &c.  . 

»> 

>» 

Grocers  &c 

>i 

>l 

Surgical  and  elec- 

trical instrumts. 

>» 

„30 

Deficiency  45  and  up. 

Milk-sellers 

Uakers    and    con- 

fectioners      

>> 

>> 

Butchers  and  fish- 

mongers   

>) 

»> 

Carmen    

>» 

It 

Plumbers,  &c 

»» 

M 

46 


COMPAEISONS. 


The  clifficulty  of  finding  civilian  employment  experienced 
by  soldiers  who  are  discharged  or  pass  into  the  reserve 
after  a  short  pei'iod  of  service,  has  been  brought  forcibly 
before  the  public,  but  perhaps  tbey  are  not  so  much  worse 
off  than  others  who  are  thrown  out  by  general  tendencies, 
on  the  average  as  inexorable  in  their  working  as  any  term 
of  enlistment.  In  some  cases  the  excess  of  the  young 
is  due  to  the  novel  character  or  rapid  expansion  of  a 
business,  and  it  will  take  another  decade,  or  perhaps  two, 
before  we  can  say  at  what  age  those  who  have  grown  up 
in  the  trade  must  be  dispensed  with. 

The  sections  which  employ  an  excessive  proportion  of 
men  in  the  prime  of  life  are  as  follows  : — 


Occupation. 


Principal  deviation 
from  normal  line. 


Railway  service 

Education  

Coal-porters    

Brewers  and  mineral  water 
manuf 

Cab  and  omnibus  service... 

Police  

Gas-works  service 

Architects  

Bricklayers 

Medicine 

Literature  

Art  and  amusement 

Eeligion  

Extra  domestic  service 

Publicans   

Masons    

Carpenters  and  joiners 

Plasterers       and       paper- 
hangers  

Painters,  &c 

Railway  labour 

Dock  labour   

Dock  service  

Lodr-ing   and    coffee-house 
keepers    


Excess  25  to  35 
25  to  40 


25  to  45 


25  to  50 
30  to  45 


Deficiency  20  to  30 
Excess  30  to  50  ... 

,,       35  to  45   ... 


Direction  of  other 
deviations. 


Excess  of  youths. 
Deficiency  of  youths. 
Deficiency  of  youths  and 
old  age. 

Deficiency  of  youths  and 

excess  45  to  GO. 
Deficiency  of  youths. 


Excess  45  and  up. 


» 

» . 
Deficiency  of  youths  and 

excess  50  to  60. 
Excess  45  and  up. 


Deficiency  of  youths  and 
excess  45  to  CO. 

Deficiency  of  youths  and 
excess  45  and  up. 


AGE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  OCCUPIED  CLASSES.  47 

Of  the  above  it  should  bo  noted  that  in  most  instances 
the  excess  is  carried  past  the  prime  of  life,  i.e.  from  forty- 
five  to  sixty.  This  is  the  case  with  railway  labour,  six 
sections  from  the  building  trades,  bi'ewers,  publicans  and 
coffee-liouse  keepers,  as  well  as  with  medicine,  art,  litera- 
ture, religion  and  extra  service. 

It  will  at  once  bo  appai'ent  tliat  this  table  exactly 
reverses  the  conditions  presented  by  the  sections  which 
employ  an  excess  of  young  men,  but  great  ingenuity  and 
a  very  y/ide  knowledge  would  be  needed  to  dove-tail 
the  two.  Many  who  are  messengers  up  to  twenty  may 
appear  later,  for  instance,  under  railway  service ;  a  surplus 
of  young  domestic  servants  may  pass  into  the  category  of 
extra  {i.e.  outside)  domestic  service,  or  be  found  as  coffee 
or  lodging-house  keepers  or  publicans,  or  become  cabmen, 
busmen,  or  stablemen,  or  join  the  police;  lads  described 
as  "factory  labourers,  undefined,^'  or  engaged  in  sundry 
manufactures — soap,  candles,  chemicals,  &c. — may,  per- 
haps, afterwards  feed  the  ranks  of  dock  labour,  or  become 
in  their  years  of  greatest  strength  gas-workers  or  coal- 
porters.  In  some  way  these  transitions  are  made — the 
movement  may  be  up  or  down,  of  the  nature  of  promotion 
or  the  reverse.  The  figures  before  us  give  a  glimpse  of 
the  seething  mass  of  industrial  life,  in  which  individual 
action,  guided  by  necessity  or  profit,  adapts  itself  to 
human  needs.  The  process  is,  perhaps,  a  salutory  one, 
but  it  involves  much  suffering  and  many  dismal  failures, 
and,  it  may  be,  a  good  deal  of  unnecessaiy  friction, 
while  it  is  made  much  worse  for  the  young  Londoners  if 
the  best  places  are  filled  by  countrymen  who  come  to 
London. 

In  the  following  sections  the  excess  is  only  found 
after  forty  or  forty-five — that  is,  when  the  prime  of  life 
is  past  :^ 


48 


COMPARISONS. 


Occupation. 


Principal  Jeviation 
fioiii  iioiiiial  line. 


Lightermen    

Builders 

Carriftf^e  builders 

Coopers  

Blacksmiths  

Dyers  and  cleaners  

Boot  and  shoe  workers     

Coal,  wood  and  corn  dealers 

Municipal  labour 

Shipwrights   

Gardeners  and  country  labour 
Watch  and  clock-makers 


Excess  40  to  50 
40  to  00 


it 
»» 


45  to  GO 


Direction  of  other  deviations. 


Deficiency  of  youths. 
Excess  of  old. 
Deficiency  of  youths. 
Deficiency  of  youths  and 
excess  of  old. 

Deficiency  of  youths  and 

in  prime  of  life. 
Deficiency  of  youths  and 

in  prime  of  life,  excess 

of  old. 
Excess  of  old. 
Deficiency  of  youths. 
Deficiency  of  youths  and 

excess  of  old. 
>'  j» 

»>  )» 


In  six  of  the  foregoing  groups,  the  excess  beyond  fifty-five  or  sixty  is 
carried  into  quite  old  age,  and  there  are  also  the  following  instances  in 
which  abnormal  proportions  are  only  shown  after  fifty-five — that  is,  in 
old  age : — 


Occupation. 


Silk  and  fancy  textiles 

Brush-makers 

Tailors  

Hatters 


Principal  deviation 
from  normal  line. 


Excess  55  and  up 
Excess  60  and  up 


Direction  of  other  deviations. 


Deficiency  of  youths  and  in 
prime  of  life. 


Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 


[Milliners  and  dressmakers,  shirtmakers  and  seamstresses,  trimmings, 
artificial  flowers,  &c.,  and  machinists,  consisting  mainly  of  females,  are 
emitted  from  the  foregoing  comparisons.] 

Lightermen  and  watermen  may  not  improbably  have  been 
sailors  in  their  more  active  years.  Those  who  call  them- 
selves builders  have  perhaps  been  previously  connected  with 
the  building  trade  in  some  special  branch,  and  so  too  with 
blacksmiths,  who  when  young  may  perhaps  be  returned  as 
liammermen.  Dealers  in  coal,  wood,  &c.,  are  often  men 
who  have  retired  from  more  active  occupations.  With 
boot-makers,   tailors  and  hatters,  the  excess  of  old  men. 


AGE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  OCCUPIED  CLASSES.  40 

wliich  is  not  very  great,  is  no  doubt  duo  to  tlie  Avork  being' 
comparatively  light.  Those  so  employed  perhaps  live  to 
a  greater  age,  and  at  any  rate  can  coutinue  longer  at 
work  than  many  others.  The  same  may  no  doubt  be  said 
of  gardeners, 

Jjut  the  most  striking  instances  of  excessive  proportion 
of  the  old  are  the  decaying  or  decayed  trades — coopers, 
shipwrights,  silk-weavers,  rope-makers,  and  watch-makers 
— as  shown  on  the  annexed  diagram  (II.). 

The  lines  on  the  diagram  which  represent  coopers  and 
shipwrights  correspond  very  closely.  Few  young  men  enter 
these  trades,  but  the  old  remain.  In  another  decade, 
doubtless,  the  curve  will  have  clianged,  in  so  far  that  the 
excess  in  proportion  will  be  at  sixty  in  place  of  fifty;  and 
gradually,  with  greatly  reduced  numbers,  a  normal  line  will 
again  occur,  beginning  at  twenty  or  twenty-five  and  pro- 
ceedino;  downwards  towards  old  agre. 

In  the  curve  Avhich  represents  silk-weaving,  ike,  we  see 
signs  of  the  springing  up  of  new  methods,  or  new  industries, 
finding  employment  for  the  young;  and  on  the  other  hand 
the  exaggeration  in  old  age  has  passed  on  to  sixty,  and  over 
sixty;  for  the  decay  of  the  old  Spitalfields  industry  dates 
from  nearly  forty  years  ago.  In  rope-making  it  is  not 
decay,  but  a  change  of  system  that  is  indicated.  Here  the 
use  of  machinery  has  brought  in  a  large  number  of  boys ; 
men  from  twentj^-five  to  forty-five  are  missing  ;  but  the  old 
hands  linger  on.  It  is  the  same  with  the  making  of 
watches  and  clocks,  where  the  line,  practically  normal  up 
to  forty,  shows  a  surplus  of  the  old  at  fifty  and  still  moi-e  at 
sixty  years  of  age. 

As  already  indicated,  the  facts  we  are  dealing  with  can 
usually  be  stated  either  in  terms  of  excess  or  of  deficiency, 
i.e.  as  an  unusually  large  proportion  at  one  time  of  life,  or 
an  unusually  small  pi'oportion  at  some  other  time,  but  iu 
some  cases  it  is  the  deficiency  at  some  particular  age 
which  is  to  be  remarked  rather  than  a  surplus  at  any 
V  4 


50 


CO^IFAmSOXS. 


other.     The  following  sections  showing  abnormally  small 
proportions  at  certain  ages,  are  instances  of  this : — 


Occupation, 

Principal  deviation  from 
normal  line. 

Direction  of  other 
deviatioii.s. 

Locksmiths,  Ac.  ... 

Woollen  goods  and 
carpet    manufac- 
tures    

Deficiency 
•  t 

>t 
1) 

5? 

up  to  25 

17  to  40 

20  to  25 

up  to  30 
20  to  30 

Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 

India-rubber    goods 
and      rioor-cloth- 
niakers   

Tobacco  workers  ... 

General            shop- 
keepers   

Costermonpers    and 
street-sellers 

Deficiency  in  prime  of  life. 

All  the  above  show  a  surplus  later  on,  but  there  is  a 
special  and  exceptional  lack  of  younger  men. 

The  pressure  on  life  caused  by  the  need  of  leaving  one 
employment  and  seeking  another,  has  been  here  considered 
pathologically,  as  involving  suffering  ;  as  a  necessary  evil. 
But  it  has  another  aspect,  under  which  it  appears  as  the 
sjiring  of  health  rather  than  an  attack  upon  welfare. 

An  able  French  writer,  in  a  recent  book  on  the  position 
of  labour  in  England,*  has  treated  this  necessity,  which  he 
recognizes  as  a  prominent  feature  of  our  modern  life, 
entirely  from  this  more  cheerful  aspect,  and  finds  in  it  the 
true  base  and  best  hope  of  our  national  prosperity.  This 
view  may,  perhaps,  be  carried  too  far,  but  must  not  on  that 
account  be  neglected. 

To  get  rid  of  all  shifting  from  trade  to  trade  would  be  to 
Eink  to  a  system  of  caste,  with  its  fatal  stagnation.  There  is 
a  healthy  stimulus  to  individual  energy  in  every  decision 
demanded  from  us,  and  a  power  of  education  in  the  exercise 
of  forethought.     And  connected  with  this  there  is  a  selec- 

*  "The  Labour  Question  in  Britain,"  by  Paul  de  Eousiers.  (English 
translation  :  Macmillan  &Co.,  Ltd.,  189G.) 


AGE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  OCCUPIED  CLASSES.  51 

tive  foi'ce.  Those  profit  who  are  ready  to  meet  inevitable 
change  and  take  advantage  of  opportunities  that  may  offer. 
But  neither  the  advantage  to  the  "  Wise  Virgins"  nor  the 
educational  value  of  the  competitive  process  generally  is 
much  solace  to  the  many  who  suffer  for  their  folly  or  lack 
of  strength. 

Moreover,  the  pressure  which  we  recognize  as  good  in 
many  ways  for  humanity  at  large  is  precisely  what  every 
wise  man  seeks  to  avoid  for  himself  and  for  his  children 
too,  except  in  a  very  mitigated  form.  Thus,  though  as  a 
discipline  it  may  be  a  blessing  in  disguise,  it  is  as  an  evil 
that  the  enforced  shifting  from  employment  to  employment 
is  here  considered. 

Age  Distribution  op  Female  Employees. 

So  large  a  proportion  of  females  at  every  age  claim  no 
industrial  occupation,  and  transfers  from  the  occupied  to 
the  unoccupied  ranks,  or  vice  versa,  are  so  frequent,  owing 
to  marriage,  widowhood,  or  other  change  of  circumstance, 
that  no  argument  as  to  industrial  friction  can  be  drawn 
from  the  figures.      Nevertheless,  they  are  of  some  interest. 

It  seems  that  milliners  and  dress-makex'S  follow  exactly 
the  normal  line ;  that  is,  the  proportions  of  all  ages  following 
these  pursuits  are  almost  exactly  the  same  as  those  of  the 
whole  occupied  female  population  of  London.  Tailoring, 
brush  and  comb-making,  and  cabinet  making  {i.e.  uphol- 
stery), differ  very  little  from  the  normal,  but  the  difference 
in  all  is  the  same,  there  being  a  slight  deficiency  of  girls  and 
of  women  up  to  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  a  slight  excess 
above  that  age.  Hat  and  cap-making  show  a  surplus  of 
girls,  a  deficiency  of  women  from  twenty-five  to  fifty,  with 
a  normal  line  in  old  age.  Confectionei's,  tobacco-workers, 
book-binders,  envelope  cutters,  boot  and  shoe-workers,  and 
machinists,  all  have  a  surplus  of  girls,  and  deficiency  in 
later  life.  It  is  the  same  with  domestic  servants.  The 
proportion  is  redressed  by  shirt-makers  and  seamstresses, 
V  4  -^ 


no. 


coMrAnisoxs. 


charwomeu,  and  washerwomen,  amongst  whom  there  is  a 
gi-ent  preponderance  of  the  old.  The  annexed  diagram 
(III.)  gives  the  lines  for  tailoring,  book-binding  and  extra 
service  (including  charwomen,  Sic.)  for  comparison. 

In  closing  this  chapter  it  may  be  of  interest  if  wc 
insert  a  diagram  (IV.)  to  show  the  age  distribution  of  the 
whole  population  of  London,  divided  into  occupied  and 
unoccupied,  male  and  female,  and  note  the  peculiarities 
which,  applying  to  the  whole  and  representing  general 
tendencies,  must  necessarily  be  repeated,  though  in 
different  degrees,  in  the  various  parts. 

What  at  once  strikes  the  eye  on  referring  to  the  diagram 
is  the  upward  "  kink"  in  the  curve  representing  the  whole 
]iopulation  from  twenty  or  a  little  below  twenty  to  nearly 
twenty-five.  This  is  the  age  at  which  the  greatest  influx 
happens,  and  the  lines  dealing  with  each  sex  separately 
show  that  the  greater  part  of  the  immigrants  are  young 
women  of  or  under  twenty  years  of  age,  coming,  no  doubt, 
from  the  provinces  as  domestic  servants,  or  sometimes  as 
wives  to  men  who,  if  not  married  when  they  come  to 
London,  may  seek  a  wife  in  their  country  home. 

Employment  with  both  sexes  begins  between  ten  and 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  the  numbers  employed  rapidly  reach 
their  maximum,  with  Avomcn  before  twenty,  with  men 
between  twenty  and  twenty-five.  By  (or  before)  twenty, 
marriage  provides  a  domestic  career  for  many  young 
women  Avho  have  previously  been  in  employment  of  one 
kind  or  another,  and  continues  to  affect  the  line  till 
thirty-five  or  forty.  Were  it  not  for  the  large  number  of 
girls  and  young  women  who  come  to  London  between 
fifteen  and  thirty  years  of  age,  the  effect  of  marriage 
would  be  still  more  marked. 

The  curve  which  represents  the  proportion  of  un- 
occupied females  tells  the  same  story,  but  of  course 
reversed.     It  shows  numbers  increasing  rapidly  from  about 


AGK  DISTJUHrTIOX  OF  Till':  OCCUPIED  CLASSES.  53 

seventeen  up  to  tbii-ty,  and  following  after  tliirty  tlic 
ovdiuary  lino  of  decrease  by  mortality,  only  slightly  affected 
l)y  tlie  abandonment  of  Avork  in  old  age. 

The  curve  for  males  also  shows  signs  of  the  immigration, 
especially  between  the  ages  of  from  about  seventeen  to 
twenty-three,  when  very  large  numbers  of  clerks,  shop- 
assistants,  youog  working  men,  and  students  in  one  or 
another  of  the  professions,  corae  to  London.  But,  in  the 
case  of  men,  the  effect  of  this  inuuigration  is  to  a  great 
extent  counteracted  by  the  exodus  Avhich  takes  pbice, 
nmch  larger  numbers  than  among  women  leaving,  per- 
manently or  temporarily,  for  the  provinces,  the  colonies,  or 
abroad. 

As  compared  with  the  independent  course  taken  by  the 
curve  for  occupied  females,  the  close  correspondence,  after 
the  age  of  about  twenty-two,  of  the  curve  representing  the 
occupied  males  with  that  for  the  total  of  males  in  London  is 
a  noteworthy  feature,  accompanied  as  it  is  b}^  the  correlative 
fact  that  from  about  the  same  age  the  small  number  of 
unoccupied  males  remains  practically  stationary  to  the  end. 


CHAPTER  YI. 

STATUS   AS   TO   EMrLOYMENT. 


In  considering  the  comparative  poverty  of  those  employed 
in  each  section,  we  have  constantly  referred  to  the  division 
shown  by  the  census  of  1891  between  employers,  employed, 
and  those  who  are  neither  employers  nor  employed. 
A  further  use  can  be  made  of  the  same  figures  to  indicate 
the  average  size  of  the  unit  of  business. 

Thus  in  book-binding  there  ai'e  fifty-one  employed 
persons  to  each  employer,  but  amongst  watch  and  clock- 
makers,  only  four  to  each  employer.  It  is  not  possible  to 
apply  this  test  to  every  occupation.  In  the  building 
trades,  for  example,  we  find  bricklayers,  carpenters, 
painters,  &c.,  all  in  the  employ  of  men  who  call  themselves 
"builders,"  while  there  are  also  master  bricklayers,  and 
master  carpenters  who  do  not  claim  to  be  builders,  and 
master  painters,  whose  men  often  include  carpenters, 
plasterers  and  plumbers.  In  many  cases  it  is,  in  fact, 
doubtful  by  which  of  several  possible  titles  a  master  man 
should  rightly  describe  himself.  Even  so,  although  it 
would  not  be  possible  to  give  the  proportion  of  employers 
to  employed  in  any  particular  section,  "we  might  still  do  this 
for  the  aggregate  of  the  building  trades,  were  it  not  that 
we  find  bricklayers,  carpenters  and  painters  as  employed 
men  in  many  other  juarters,  for  instance  in  gasworks, 
railway-works,  and  any  large  manufacturing  business. 
The    same    thing   is    true    of    blacksmiths,    copper-smiths 


STATUS  AS  TO  EMPLOYMENT.  55 

and  tinsmiths,  and  of  many  branches  of  engineering,  as 
well  as  of  coopers,  carmen,  coachmen,  stable-men,  &c. 
Then,  too,  there  are  employments  in  which  all  are 
employers — such  as  "  contractors,"  "  ship-owners,"  &c., 
and  others  in  which  all  are  employees,  amongst  them  being 
"artisans,"  ''machinists,^'  and  "labourers"  of  every  kind. 
Not  only  is  it  impossible  to  deal  with  these  secfcions 
themselves,  but  they  affect  the  results  shown  by  other 
sections,  for  a  discrepancy  is  caused  if  some  of  those 
employed,  instead  of  being  placed  in  their  proper  trade, 
appear  elsewhere  in  the  census — for  instance,  as  machinists 
or  artisans,  or  as  general  labourers  or  clerks.  Those  who 
follow  these  occupations,  having  no  employers  in  their  own. 
section,  must  be  distributed  amongst  the  other  sections, 
and  would  bv  so  much  increase  the  numbers  there  returned. 
In  other  cases  there  is  a  transfer — as,  for  instance,  with 
regard  to  workers  in  "other  metals,"  viz.,  copper,  tin, 
lead,  &c.,  some  of  whom  will  be  employed  in  engine  and 
machine  making ;  or,  it  may  be,  at  chemical  works,  or  by 
brewers  and  distillers,  or  by  printers,  with  the  result  that 
what  one  section  gains,  another  loses.  The  sections  to 
which  these  errors  principally  apply  have  not  been  included 
in  the  list  which  follows.  We  have  not,  for  example, 
ventured  to  state  any  figures  for  the  separate  divisions  of 
the  buildinsr  trades,  but  we  know  that  the  averao^e  number 
per  master  is  on  the  whole  something  like  thirteen.  The 
list  is  nevertheless  sufficient,  and  is  probably  sufficiently 
correct,  to  afford  an  interesting  comparison. 

If  we  consider  the  number  of  male  employees  only,  it 
is  seen  that  printers  head  the  list,  followed  by  the 
engineering  trades,  but,  if  women  are  included,  book- 
binders have,  on  the  average,  the  largest  establishments — 
standing  first  as  to  women  and  girls,  and  third  as  to  men 
and  boys  : — • 


oG 


ro.i/7\(7?/w.v.s:. 


Tiihle  VII. — Showing  number  of  Employed  to  eacli  Employer 

ill  certain  Trades. 


Book-binders   

Paper  manufacturers 

I'rintei's 

Engineering,  Ac 

Sundry  workers  in  iron  and  steel 

Glass  and  earthenware 

llcmp,  jute,  and  tibre 

Brass,  copper,  tin,  etc 

"Woollens  and  carpets 

Brewers  and  mineral  water  workers 

Hatters 

Millers,  &c 

Surgical  and  electrical  instruments 

Chemicals 

Brush-makers 

Carriage  building    

Leather  dressing,  Ac 

Silk  and  fancy  textiles 

India-rubber,  tioor-cloth,  etc 

Tailors  

Musical  instruments  &  toys 

Soap,  candles,  glue,  itc 

Dress-makers  and  milliners  

Cabinet  makers 

Boot  and  shoe-makers 

Drapers,  <tc 

Dyers  and  cleaners 

Jewellers  

Saddleiy,  harness,  &c 

Bakers  and  confectioners  

JMilk-sellers 

^Vatches  and  clocks    


Employees. 

Total. 

; 

Male. 

Feni.nle. 

20 

31 

51 

9 

20 

38 

:-3.'5 

2 

3:; 

27 

— 

27 

18 

— 

IS 

ir, 

2 

17 

10 

7 

17 

ir, 

1 

1() 

•s 

7 

ir. 

14 

1 

15 

8 

(1 

14 

11 

'4 

13^ 

12 

1 

13 

8 

r, 

13 

8 

5 

13 

12 

. — 

12 

8 

4 

12 

r> 

7 

12 

7 

5 

12 

('> 

(J 

12 

10 

1 

11 

<)                2 

11 

—              11 

11 

8.V 

n 

10 

8 

2 

10 

5 

5 

10 

4.', 

3 

7i 

(5 

1 

7 

7 

— 

7 

4 

2 

6 

4 

1 

5 

4 

— 

4 

The  small  aycrnge  size  of  industrial  establishments  at 
once  arrests  attention,  ruid  this  is  the  more  noticeable  avIicu 
it  is  remembered  that  in  inany  of  tbo  trades  mentioned 
there  arc  found  some  very  largo  factories,  whose  size, 
although  they  may  count  their  employees  by  hundreds,  is 
entirely  swamped  when  averaged  with  the  great  mass  of 
small  establishments;  nor  is  this  all,  for  in  addition  to  the 
small  factories  and  workshops^  wherein  are  to  be  found  both 


STATUS  AS  TO  EMPLOY  M  F.W. 


57 


employers  and  employed,  there  are  in  many  tiadcs  a  very 
larffe  number  of  men  wlio  work  on  their  own  account, 
employing  no  one  or  obtaining  only  a  little  assistance  of  an 
unprofessional  kind  from  members  of  their  own  family. 
The  extent  to  which  this  form  of  individual  production,  and 
that  of  the  smallest  type  of  workshop,  obtains  in  London, 
is  shown  in  the  following  table  : — 

Taldc  VIII. — SJtoiciug  nnniher  of  iiKlividnaJs  v:Jio  icnrJc 
on  their  own  account  compared  to  niDuher  cf  thoac  tclio 
emj)loij  others,  in  varlou.s  trades. 


Shirt-malvcrs  and  seamstresses 

Dress-makers  and  milliners   

Boot  and  shoe-makers    

Watch  and  clock-makers  

Cabinet  makers 

Musical  instruments  and  toys 

Brush-makers  

Silk  and  fancy  textiles 

Hur^ical  and  electrical  instrument  makers. 

Tailors    

Saddlery,  harness,  &c 

Dyers  and  cleaners 

Carriaj^e  builders 

Jewellers,  gold  and  silver  workers     

3[ilk-sellcrs    

Bakers  and  confectioners  


• 

Workiii'.'  on 

Eiiililtiycrs. 

own  accuiiut. 

353 

3581 

5280 

18,500 

3042 

5238 

G8() 

•»08 

422G 

51 '.10 

815 

010 

350 

370 

355 

304 

539 

481 

3707 

33G3 

424 

353 

208 

106 

708 

501 

970 

741 

1547 

1213 

3434 

2102 

Note. — The  return  called  for  in  the  census  v,-as  not  always  filled  up,  and 
it  is  here  assumed  that  those  who  made  no  return  consisted  of  employer.-^, 
employed,  and  "  neither"  in  the  same  proportions  as  the  far  larger  number 
of  mose  who  made  the  return. 


It  will  bo  seen  that  in  all  the  trades  which  are  suited  for 
operations  on  a  small  scale,  there  are  about  as  many  men 
who  work  on  their  own  account  as  there  are  employers. 
These  small  units  of  industry  may  sometimes  be  the  sur- 
vival of  an  old  state  of  things,  but  by  no  means  always. 
More  often  they  are  the  form  which  the  most  pushing- 
industries  adopt  in  the  struggle  for  existence.     Loudon  is 


58  COMPAEISONS. 

110  doubt  the  stronghold  of  small  industries,  but  London  is 
the  greatest  of  modern  cities,  and  what  is  true  of  London 
is,  I  believe,  not  less  true  of  all  great  cities — of  New  York 
and  Melbourne,  as  well  as  of  Paris  and  Berlin. 

On  the  whole,  if  we  except  such  large  and  impersonal 
undertakings  as  railways,  docks,  and  gasworks,  the  police 
force  and  various  forms  of  public  service,  one  notices  rather 
the  immense  number  of  small  undertakings  than  the  tendency 
to  exaggeration  of  size,  which  is  supposed  to  be  character- 
istic of  modern  industry.  The  figures  which  can  be  given 
are  far  from  perfect,  but  will,  ab  any  rate,  do  very  avcU 
for  comparing  one  period  with  another.  The  census  of 
1891  may  serve  in  this  way  as  a  starting  point,  and  after 
a  decade  has  passed  we  shall  perhaps  be  able  to  see  more 
clearly  in  what  direction  we  are  moving  in  this  respect. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

INCREASING  AND  DECREASING  TRADES. 


Between  1881  and  1891  the  population  of  London 
increased  10. ^  per  cent.,  but  the  numbers  employed  in 
this  or  that  trade  were  affected  in  very  varying  degrees. 
Those  engaged  in  making  surgical,  scientific,  and 
electrical  instruments,  for  instance,  increased  no  less  than 
113  per  cent.,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  shipwrights 
decreased  56|  per  cent.  The  true  mean  is  occupied 
by  leather  dressers,  fur-pullers,  &c.,  amongst  whom  the 
gain  in  the  decade  exactly  kept  pace  with  that  of  the 
population. 

If  we  look  back  further  we  find  that  the  auo-mentation 
in  the  numbers  of  scientific  instrument  makers  has  been 
continuous,  amounting  to  240  per  cent,  since  18G1. 
This  increase  has  been  exceeded  only  by  that  of  the  paper 
trades,  in  which  the  total  addition  to  the  numbers  employed 
was  250  per  cent.  Shipwrights  have  as  continuously 
declined,  the  reduction  being  no  less  than  72^  per  cent, 
since  ISGl.  Where  there  is  an  increase  it  has,  as  a  rule, 
been  a  fairly  steady  one  during  the  whole  thirty  years, 
and  where  a  decrease  that  also  has  been  persistent.  An 
exception  to  this  rule  is  to  be  found  in  the  building  trades, 
in  which  only  the  last  decade  shows  a  decrease;  the 
explanation  being,  not  that  the  trade  has  really  declined, 
but  that  its  operations  have  been  partly  transferred  to 
districts  beyond  the  census  boundaries.  Hat  and  cap 
makers  form  another  exception,  as  after  decreasing  rapidly 
up  to  1881,  they  show  12  per  cent,  increase  in  the  last 


Tahh  IX. Shouinj  the  increase  or  decrease  in  MefrnpoUtan  inclasiries  and 

professions  hctwccii  1861  and  ISUl. 


Surru-al,     A:o ,     instru-  ^ 

ludits i 

I'ac-tory  InUmr  (uiidi-f.).. 

Mai'liinists 

Coal-i>>>r;«'rs  

l^iper  inaniif.icturos   .... 

f  lasworka  wrvice 

l::n^ti)<'      ilriwrs     anil  I 

a:ii»ans  (iiiiiiclinttl)' •  I 

UuntciiKil  iiibour,  Jtc 

C<wlor8  aud  slj-wt-sfUers 

Caniu-n    

Iiulia-nibU'r.  4c 

Civil  4  nmiiiciiKil  siTVKv 
l>ock  anil  wlinrf  sirviciO 

„    labouivi-8 J 

Printers 

«_'!uinicaLs  

JJooks^'UiTS,  ic 

.V  rt  and  aninst-ini-nt    .... 

Enpinwrinjr,  Ac 

Milk-sellers   

Tailcrs 

Soap,  candles,  (rlni\  ic. 
Bakers  a*irt  ronfielionfj-s 

Commercial  clerks 

Phiinlx'rs    

nroct-rs.  4c 

UrajM-rs.  A.c 

Statlonem   

UbI>  and  omnibus  svr 

viw... 
Rrliirion 

•frtl>:ii'    ' 

\M  

BniUlrnt 

Litonitnn.'  and  science  .. 
3Iu'>iml        iiiNlniirientsl 

:.     '■■  / 

JJr-  : .  tin,  IwmI,  ^ 

Ac ; 

niaM  and  crirthcuware 

E-.-  


lur-l 


!ker.i 


X'lniliors 

n-tiiriii-d, 

ISUi. 


It 
Ti 
R. 
Ih 

Y. 


ITS  .  .  . 
lUinel' 


8,300 

S.fiOO 
10,7«»0 

4,SIH) 
1 1, 7011 

3,'JOO 

18,000 
4,!iH0 

i-jiitm 

«,SilO 

.•i,10l) 

27.iU0 

lli,7U0 

40,000 
5,S00 
7,.S(K) 

li.-im 

10.200 

52,:ioo 

•1  200 

20,SO0 

lOS.tOO 

ii.aoo 

.31,500 

;j:t,;M)0 

8,900 

48.200 

8.000 

it.O'HI 

12.."J0it 

i5,;)oo 

8,000 
4500 

10.40!) 

17,200 

5,000 
03,000 

|i,2(»0 
]:t,7<»0 
.'J2,700 
KJ,  100 


Increases  or 
Decivuscs. 


ISSl-lSOl  ISlU-lSOl 


+  113 


79 

7Si 
50 
4SV 
47  i 


+     40 


40 

3Ii 
.•J.3i 


31 
30 

*>'}  V 

20 
2Si 
27.i 
27  i 
2(1. • 
25  i 

25 

2li 

21i 

2t 

23 

22 

21.\ 

21 

lOi 

1!) 
10 

IS 

ici 

Hi 

ii; 
i->i 


+  21G 

+    300  J 

•    __ 

+  50 
+  2.')(l 
+  103!: 

•+  22U 

T  123 
t 
+  108 
+   13SJ 
+     45i 


17 
121i 

ini 
(ill 

^7.1 

82 
41i 


—  2<ii 
+  Mh 
+  2;t5.V 

t 

+    ra 


OS 
C'Jl 


+     88 
+     2S 

+  lot 

+  131 
+  137 


+ 

+ 

+ 
+ 
+ 
+ 

+ 
+ 


37 
.3.>i 

cci 

:.o; 
01.!, 

7i 

t 

4iil 
20  i 


Section. 


.\riu.v  aud  navy    

I'l.liee,  &c- 

Cabinet  inakeis,  4c 

Railway  lahonr 

(I'anli'iiiTs,  4c 

Hat  and  cap-inakcis 

llaihva.v  scivicii    

Warclimis'iucn  and  ) 

I    nu'sseuifers / 

; Leather  dressing,  &c 

Medicine 

Brewers,  mineral  water  1 

I    workers f 

(!^arriage  building    

Saddlery,  harness,  4c.  . . 
ll<m.selici]il  service,  4c.  .. 
15oot  and  slioe-niakers    .. 

liducation 

Lndgmir      and     collee-l 

j     house  keepers j 

Architects.  4c 

Seamen    

General  labourers  

Locksmiths,  4c 

Jewellers,  4c 

Hemp,  jute,  libre 

Publicans    

Sundry  workers  in  iron  1 

and  slee!  / 

Merchants,  brokers,  4c. 

Liirhtennen    

General  shop-keepers 

Woollens  and  carpets    . . 

Law 

layers  aud  cleaners 

CariX'ntersand  joiners  .. 

Watches  and  clocks    

llrush-makers  

Masons     

Bricklaj-ers    

I'laslerers 4  paperhangeis 

Millers.  4c 

.Silk  aud  fancy  textiles  . . 
(,'oal,  wood,  corn-dealers 

Oofijiers    

Shiit-makers  and  seam- 1 

I    stresses j 

Country  hi'oour 

•Shipwriiflits.  4c 


Numbers 

Iiicioases 

or 

returned, 
IS'Jl. 

Decreases 

ISSl 

-lSOl'1361 

-IKil 

O' 

O' 

15,800 

+ 

15  i 

— 

25 

12,301) 

4- 

15 

+ 

78 

52,(iOO 

+ 

14 

+ 

13 

3,. '51)0 

+ 

13 

+ 

25 

12,100 

+ 

13 

+ 

7 

5,500 

+ 

12 

— 

27i 

21,81)0 

+ 

lU 

+ 

100 

03,000 

+ 

11 

+ 

CGI- 

15,700 

+ 

lOi 

+ 

821- 

20,500 

+ 

8 

+ 

5J 

4,400 

+ 

75 

+ 

23 

0,000 

+ 

•Vl 

+ 

ISJ 

3,000 

-;. 

Si 

+ 

lU 

300,200 

+ 

bh 

+ 

•jt 

30,000 

+ 

4i 

— 

81 

27,000 

+ 

5 

+ 

61.1 

11,000 

+ 

4 

+ 

CJl 

0,000 

+ 

3i 

+ 

51 

12,100 

+ 

3i 

— 

211 

7;",7(M) 

+ 

3.1j 

-1- 

(iJ 

5,3;)0 

= 

+ 

38 

8,000 

= 

+ 

10 

3,300 

= 

— 

211 

1 5.000 

— 

1 

— 

171 

10,700 

— 

1 

— 

6.1 

20,000 

— 

n 

+ 

5SJ 

(i,000 

— 

li 

= 

1 1,200 

— 

3 

t 

2,700 

— 

31  '  - 

37 

1  t.ooo 

— 

■V,      + 

21)1 

2,()0(: 

— 

5 

— 

20 

31,500 

— 

13 

+ 

25 

4,3o;i 

— 

14 

— 

2:1 

5,.50:i 

— 

14 

— 

2 

0,500 

— 

101 

+ 

411 

lo.too 

— 

IS 

+ 

11 

0.000 

— 

10 

+ 

0 

2,30') 

— 

20i 

— 

t:) 

4,S(!0 

— 

21  i 

— 

oil 

0,000 

— 

21. i 

— 

01 

3,000 

— 

20.1 

— 

3:;i 

18,500 

— 

32 

— 

34 

.3,800 

— 

311 

— 

.51.1 

_  2,3(K»_ 

— 

_^'ii_ 

— 

.T^\. 

nuf  I'opulatum:  1881— I.nOI,  lol  jx-r  cent.;  1801— 1801,  50  per  cent. 
■71-  ls!(l,  JUS  there  was  no  rcliirn  for  machinists  or  en;;iuo  drivei-s  in  1801. 
iihoi)-keei)erM  an-  coiribined   in  1801 ;    1801 — 1801  -J-  81i  per  cent.      Plumbers   aaJ 

I I".*;!;   ISOI— 1S!)1  -»-  KH)  [M-r  cent. 

a(  Um:  uuiubcra  were  the  bume  as  in  18J1. 


INCnEASIXG  AXn  DECllKASIXG  TRADES.  Gl 

decade,  undoubtedly  due  to  the  rise  of  the  cloth  cap 
industry.  In  the  case  of  seamen,  too,  a  rapid  decline  has 
been  followed  recently  by  a  slight  increase,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  merchants,  bankers  and  brokers,  whose  numbers 
Avere  greatly  augmented  from  1861  to  1881,  have  decreased 
slightly  since — due,  perhaps,  to  the  development  of  limited 
liability  companies. 

The  changes  are  often  significant  as  showing  the  drift 
and  direction  of  modern  industry,  and  the  extension  of 
old  or  creation  of  new  demands.  A  distinction,  however, 
must  be  drawn  between  trades  which  work  for  a  wide 
market,  and  those  which,  like  the  cab  and  omnibus  service, 
find  their  customers  entirely  in  London.  Among  industries 
of  the  former  description,  we  find  no  increase  in  the  last 
decade  equal  to  that  already  mentioned  as  being  shown  by 
the  scientific  instrument  makers  (which  is  connected  chiefly 
with  the  extended  demand  for  electrical  appliances) ;  but 
paper  manufacture  (that  is,  the  making  of  paper  boxes 
and  bags,  and  the  cutting  of  envelopes)  shows  an  increase 
of  48.V  per  cent.;  India-rubber  and  floor-cloth,  35  per 
cent. ;  chemical  workers,  32  per  cent. ;  engineering,  &c., 
31  i  per  cent."^ ;  and  soap  and  candle  makers,  29i  per 
cent.  All  these  trades,  excepting  the  last,  lie  in  the  full 
stream  of  modern  development,  and  in  connection  with 
the  trade  of  candle  making  we  have  already  noted 
the  very  remarkable  fact  that  the  more  light  we  have 
the  more  we  seem  to  require,  so  that  the  demands  for 
electricity,  gas,  petroleum  and  candles,  all  increase 
together. 

A  very  considerable  addition  (34^  per  cent.)  is  shown 
in  the  numbers  of  those  returned  as  employed  about  the 
docks  and  wharves,  but  these  men  are  in  every  census  con- 
fused more  or  less  with  general  labourers,  and  consequently 

*  The  increase  amongst  engine  and  machine  makers  is  the  moie 
remarkable  as  it  has  come  about  in  spite  of  a  great  transfer  of  all 
descriptions  of  iron  work  to  the  North  and  Midlands. 


G2 


COMPimSONS. 


the  figures  are  open  to  donbt.  A  better  test  of  tlie  araount 
of  work  connected  -with  the  receiving  and  handling  of 
merchandise  is  }Derhaps  afforded  by  the  carmen,  who  have 
increased.  dG\  per  cent,  in  the  decade,  and  no  less  than 
108  per  cent,  since  18G1.  These  are  very  eloquent  figures, 
which  certainly  do  not  bear  out  the  view  that  trade  is 
leaving  the  Port  of  London.  Coal-porters  show  an  increase 
of  50  per  cent.,  due  partly  no  donbt  to  the  general  develop- 
ment of  trade,  but  more  to  the  substitution  of  coal- 
consuming  steamers  for  sailing  vessels.  It  is  possible,  too, 
that,  as  an  indirect  result  of  completer  organization,  a 
larger  proportion  of  coal-porters  have  in  the  last  decade 
returned  themselves  correctly,  instead  of  as  labourers,  and 
this  may  perhaps  apply  to  dock  labourers  also.  But  in  any 
case  the  figures  are  strong  evidence  o£  the  extension  of 
business,  of  which  another  proof  is  found  in  the  increase  of 
commercial  clerks  by  28 i  per  cent,  in  the  decade,  and  by  no 
less  than  205^  per  cent,  since  1861. 

The  decreasing  trades — trades  which  are  leaving 
London — are  milling,  sugar-refining,  &c.,  which  show  20^ 
per  cent,  reduction  in  the  decade,  or  49  per  cent,  in  the 
thirty  years,  due  mainly  to  the  loss  of  the  sugar  industry 
through  foreign  bounties  ;*  silk  and  fancy  textiles,  in  which 
the  reduction  is  21i  per  cent,  since  1881,  and  no  less  than 
01^  per  cent,  since  18G1  (another  back-water  on  the  great 
stream  of  free  trade)  ;  coopers,  whose  trade  has  slipped 
away,  chiefly  in  the  last  ten  years,  in  connection  with  the 
substitution  of  metal  drums  for  wooden  barrels,  and  the 
making  of  the  latter  by  machinery;  and  finally  ship- 
wrights (already  refei'red  to),  who  have  suffered  in  the 
revolution  which,  in  replacing  wood  by  iron  and  steel  in 
.ship-building,  has  transferred  this  trade  to  the  North  of 
England.     All  these  trades  work  for  a  large  market. 

Other  changes  in  the  census  totals  indicate  alterations  in 

•  Against  this  may  be  set  the  increase  in  the  manufacture  of  jams,  &c., 
owing  to  the  cheapness  of  sugar. 


INCREASING  AND  DECREASING   TRADES.  C3 

business  metliods.  For  instance,  we  find  an  increase  in 
undefined  factory  labour  of  79  per  cent,  in  the  decade, 
following  similar  increases  in  the  preceding  periods,  so  that 
the  total  addition  (calculated  on  a  small  original  total)  is 
no  less  than  309|  per  cent.  ;  besides  this,  artisans,  &c., 
undefined,  have  increased  bj  43  per  cent,  since  1881 . 
Here  we  undoubtedly  trace  the  application  of  science  to 
manufacture,  with  the  result  that  in  certain  trades  the 
contribution  of  skill  passes  into  new  and  fewer  hands — 
the  hands  of  those  who  direct  rather  than  those  who  do 
the  work — and  thus  tends  to  be  dissociated,  perhaps  for 
ever,  from  the  old  skill  of  the  handicraftsman.  This 
revolution,  though  connected  with  the  introduction  of 
machinery,  is  not  confined  to  it,  nor  have  we  yet  felt,  by 
any  means,  its  full  effect.  The  increase  in  machinists  (78 
per  cent.)  which  reflects  the  application  of  the  jewing 
machine  to  many  trades,  has  been  naturally  accompanied 
by  a  decrease  amongst  seamstresses.  With  tailors  also 
the  addition  (30  per  cent.)  is  connected  mainly  with  a 
changed  method  of  business,  which  by  immensely  cheapening 
the  production  of  clothes,  has  found  a  wider  market.  In 
fact  a  new  branch  of  trade  has  been  created,  in  which 
room  has  been  found  for  a  large  proportion  of  the  Jewish 
immigrants,  by  whom  or  by  whose  co-religionists  this 
industry  has  been  principally  built  up. 

Some  trades  there  are,  showing  large  additions  to 
their  numbers,  in  which  can  be  traced  both  the  gradual 
movement  of  modern  industry  and  a  special  extension  of 
London  demands;  such  as  printing,  with  33^  per  cent, 
addition  since  1881,  and  no  less  than  124^  per  cent,  since 
1861,  and  book -binding  with  an  increase  of  23  per  cent,  in 
ten  years,  or  104  per  cent,  in  thirty  years.  Books,  papers 
and  periodicals  printed  in  the  metropolis  go  all  over  the 
world,  but  a  large  part  of  the  demand  lies  within  the 
boundaries  of  London,  and  consequently  we  find  a  consider- 
able growth  in  the  number  of  book-sellers  and  newsagents. 


04  COMPAmSOXS. 

riuioinitino-  to  32  per  cent,  in  ten,  or  60  per  cent,  in  tliirty 
years.  Of  a  similar  character  is  tlie  increase  iu  the  number 
of  makers  of  musical  instruments  and  toys ;  an  increase 
Avhich,  as  showing  the  capacity  of  the  population  for 
spending  money  on  the  smaller  luxuries  of  life,  may  perhaps 
Le  taken  as  a  further  indication  of  prosperity. 

Turning  now  to  those  who  are  engaged  solely  in  serving 
Ijondon,  we  note  that  gasworks  service  has  inci'eased  47^ 
per  cent,  in  ten  years,  and  no  less  than  103^  per  cent,  since 
1801.  Those  employed  in  di'ainage  and  the  care  of  the 
streets,  have  increased  40  per  cent,  in  ten  years.  They 
are  mostly  paid  out  of  public  funds.  With  the  section 
of  art  and  amusement  we  come  to  strictly  private  under- 
takings supported  by  voluntary  expenditure  on  luxuries  or 
])]easures,  and  here  we  find  that  those  who  minister  to  the 
l)ublic  iu  this  way  have  added  32  per  cent,  to  their  numbers 
while  the  whole  population  they  serve  has  increased  only  10^ 
per  cent.,  and  although,  no  doubt,  visitors  to  London  provide 
a  considerable  and  growing  contingent  of  playgoers,  yet  if 
wc  take  all  kinds  of  places  of  amusement,  and  all  prices  of 
seats  in  each  house,  the  proportion  of  Londoners  amongst 
the  audiences  must  be  overwhelming.  Coachmen,  cabmen 
and  'busmen  have  increased  25  per  cent.,  and  all  classes 
undouljtedly  share  the  benefit,  especially  as  regards 
omnibuses  and  tramcars.  Then  again  milk-sullers  have 
grown  31  per  cent.,  indicating,  surely,  a  widespread 
advance  in  comfort,  and  possibly  also  in  sobriety.  Though 
greatest  in  recent  years  this  rise  has  been  continuous, 
so  that  milk-sellers  have  increased  since  18G1  by  82  per 
cent.  This  increase  has  been  accompanied,  and  perha,ps 
partly  caused,  by  a  revolution  in  the  trade  ;  London  dairies 
having  been  superseded  by  railway  borne  milk  far  superior 
in  quality  to  that  formerly  supplied. 

No  less  satisfactory  than  the  increase  in  the  retailers  of 
milk  is  the  decrease  in  the  numbers  of  publicans  and  their 
assistant.s,  which,  though  only  ^  per  cent,  in  the  last  decade. 


INCREASING  AND  DECREASING  TRADES.  65 

is  17^  per  cent,  since  1861 — a  great  change  wlieu  compared 
with  50  pel'  cent,  increase  of  population. 

On  tlie  whole,  the  changes  in  the  industrial  constitution 
of  London  point  to  and  are  no  doubt  closely  connected 
with  a  general  increase  in  and  concentration  of  wealth. 
That  "wealth  accumulates  and  men  decay"  is  in  some 
sense  a  true  verdict  as  regards  London,  but  it  is  not  the 
whole  truth,  for,  thanks  largely  on  the  one  hand  to  better 
administration,  and  on  the  other  to  a  healthy  influx  and 
efflux  of  jDopulation,  a  wholesome  balance  is  maintained,  and 
it  may  even  be  hoped  that  the  better  influences  prevail. 

There  are  some  further  subjects  on  which  comparisons 
might  be  made.  Among  these  apprenticeship  and  methods 
of  learning  and  the  extent  of  trade  organization  will  receive 
consideration  later.  Other  points  may  very  likely  occur  to 
the  reader  on  which  information  might  have  been  useful, 
but  which  we  have  passed  over.  It  is  evident,  for  instance, 
that  more  might  be  made  of  the  constitution  of  the  census 
family — the  ages  and  birthplaces  of  its  members,  their 
several  occupations,  and  their  actual  relationship  to  the 
head  of  the  family.  In  this  respect,  though  treated  with 
great  liberality  by  the  Eegistrar-Greneral,  we  were  some- 
what restricted  by  the  terms  upon  which  alone  a  private 
person  could  be  allowed  access  to  official  information. 

What  has  here  been  done  for  London  might  be  much 
better  done — and  done  for  the  whole  country — at  the  epoch 
of  any  numerical  census;  and  if  undertaken,  would  constitute 
a  social  industrial  census  of  very  great  value.  With  a  little 
preconcerted  arrangement,  so  that  the  information  gathered 
by  the  Registrar-General  might  lend  itself  easily  to  such 
further  investigation,  the  work  I  have  attempted  might,  I 
venture  to  suggest,  be  taken  up  by  the  Board  of  Trade 
with  the  certainty  of  a  far  larger  measure  of  success  ;  and 
I  should  be  glad  to  think  that  my  imperfect  attempt  had 
done  something  to  point  the  way. 

V  c 


PAET  II,-SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 


5  * 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHARACTERISTICS  OF   MODERN   INDUSTRY. 


The  recognized  characteristics  of  modern  industry  are  an 
extreme  division  of  labour,  a  continuously  extending  use 
of  machinery,  and  a  general  complexity  of  organization. 
These  conditions  are  usually  supposed  to  point  to  a  large 
scale  Oi  operations,  but  they  do  not  by  any  means  excludo 
the  class  of  small  employers  of  labour. 

Some  trades  are  suitable  only  for  small  and  others  only 
for  large  establishments,  but  in  most  occupations  success 
is  compatible  with  units  of  very  varying  size.  It  is  true 
that  small  businesses,  if  they  succeed,  tend  to  become 
larger,  and,  if  they  fail,  cease  to  exist ;  but  it  is  also  true 
that  there  is  a  never-ceasing  supply  of  new  undertakings,  of 
all  sizes  indeed,  but  most  frequently  on  a  small  scale. 
Moreover,  failure  is  not  confined  to  small  establishments, 
and  the  largest  may  break  up ;  the  common  law  of  life — 
birth,  growth,  plenitude  of  vigoui',  decay  and  dissolution — 
applies  very  clearly  to  business  undertakings,  and,  with 
trade  as  with  human  life,  mortality,  though  greatest  in 
infancy,  is  common  to  all.  There  is  consequently  a  con- 
tinuous flux  in  the  development  of  industry,  and  it  would 
be  as  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  day  of  small  busi- 
nesses is  over  as  to  look  for  au  end  of  gnats,  because  of 
the  strong  flight  and  open  beak  of  the  swallow,  or  of 
small  fishes  because  of  the  whale's  great  mouth. 

In  London  the  peculiarities  and  comparative  advantages 


70  SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

of  large  and  small  units  of  trade  have  a  special  application, 
and   are    of  particular   interest,   since   London  frequently 
represents  the  small,  Avhere  the  Provinces   represent  the 
large  type ;    while  within   the  confines  of  the  Metropolis 
may  be  noted  iu  some  trades  the  struggle  between  factory 
and  workshop,  and  in  others  between  Avorkshop  and  homo 
industry.    Thus  the  experience  of  London  affords  practical 
proof  of  the  persistent  vitality  of  small  methods  of  business, 
and  this  vitality  is  easily  explained.     Success  in  the  supply 
of  ever-varying  demands  (the  demands  of  modern  civilized 
life)     depends    upon    a   ready    adaptability    to    changing 
circumstances,    and    this   is   naturally    a    strong   point   in 
a  regime  of  small  business  establishments,  which,  if  they 
succeed,    do  so  largely  by  virtue  of   close  touch  of   the 
management  with   both  customers   and   employees,   or,  if 
they  fail,  give  place,  with  very  slight  economic  disturbance, 
to  others ;  coming  and  going  or  changing  shape  as  required, 
unhampered  by  the  stiffness  of  structure  which  is  almost 
inseparable  from  large  capitalist  undertakings. 

The  characteristics  first  mentioned — division  of  labour, 
extension  of  machinery,  and  complexity  of  organization — 
cannot  be  said  to  be  in  themselves  responsible  for  the 
connection  of  poverty  with  industry  which  undoubtedly 
exists  in  London,  They  play  some  part  in  producing 
this  anomaly,  but  do  not  lie  at  the  root  of  the  matter. 
There  is  nothing  that  is  necessarily  hostile  to  the 
welfare  of  the  worker  in  the  specialization  of  labour,  or 
in  the  use  of  machinery,  or  in  good  book-keeping,  or 
in  the  substitution  of  science  for  rule  of  thumb.  In 
some  directions  the  workman's  responsibility  and  the 
importance  of  his  individuality  may  be  curtailed,  but  they 
do  not  cease  to  exist;  they  rather  take  new  forms. 
Although  something  is  lost  in  the  character  of  the  rela- 
tions between  employer  and  employed  under  the  large 
system  of  industry,  something  also  is  gained;  and  it 
is  to  be  noted  that  iu  the  effort  to  secure  the  economic 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  MODERN  INDUSTRY.  71 

advantages  of  both  systems,  the  development  of  large 
businesses  becomes  more  and  more  departmental  in 
character,  giving  rise  to  new  forms  of  individuality  in 
management,  and  providing  fresh  opportunities  for  whole- 
some personal  relations,  not  only  between  the  public  and 
tliose  who  serve  it,  but  also  in  effect,  if  not  in  name, 
between  employers  and  employed.  We  must  dig  a  little 
deeper  to  find  the  connection  that  we  seek  between  poverty 
and  modern  conditions  of  employment. 

The  special  and  over-mastering  characteristic  of  industry 
in  onr  times  would  seem  to  lie  in  altered  conditions  of 
industrial  action  following  a  change  in  the  relation  between 
supply  and  demand.  Under  quite  simple  conditions  a 
known  demand  is  the  spring  of  production,  and  consump- 
tion follows  closely  on  the  heels  of  both.  To-day  trade  no 
longer  awaits  this  genuine  impulse,  but  seeks  to  forestall 
or  even  to  create  it.  Formerly  the  difficulty  lay  in  supply 
— the  demand  in  most  cases  was  always  present.  Then 
the  basis  of  any  trade  lay  in  having  something  to  sell; 
now  it  lies  far  more  in  having  found  someone  to  buy. 
By  this  change  the  hands  of  the  entrepreneur  (or  "  under- 
taker,'' as  he  has  been  gloomily  called  in  our  language) 
have  been  strengthened.  Without  his  aid  it  is  with  diffi- 
culty that  anyone  can  produce  anything  to  advantage  for 
sale,  or  offer  acceptable  service  of  any  kind.  In  the 
making  of  a  market  the  mere  producer  is  helpless. 

This,  which  I  take  to  be  the  essential  characteristic  of 
modern  industry,  is  evidenced  by  the  spread  of  advertising. 
Begun  in  the  interests  of  medicinal  specifics,  the  efficacy 
of  W'hich  depended  largely  upon  faith,  the  system  has  been 
gradually  extended  till  now  almost  every  requisite  of  life 
seeks  to  attract  the  attention  and  win  the  favour  of  the 
consumer  in  this  way,  and  the  expense  of  securing  publicity 
is  a  very  considerable  item  in  the  cost  of  distribution.  In 
the  same  direction,  of  even  greater  importance  is  the 
increasing  employment  of  special  travelling  agents  by  those 


72  Sl^IiVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

who  seek  to  market  their  wares.  This  development  is  in 
part  an  accomphshed  fact,  in  part  only  a  tendency.  But, 
thoun-h  varying  in  degree,  it  is  traceable  more  or  less  on 
every  side.  It  is  by  no  means  a  bad  tendency.  If  the 
initiative  lies  with  the  consumer,  he  can  only  take  what 
he  finds  ready,  or  at  great  expense  order  a  special  pro- 
duction for  his  use.  But  when  the  producer  or  dealer  seeks 
a  market  for  his  wares,  he  must  exercise  good  judgment 
in  catering  at  the  lowest  possible  prices  for  widespread 
wants,  and  by  these  means  he  opens  up  an  enormously 
widened  range  of  selection  for  the  consumer.  There  is, 
I  think,  a  large  balance  in  favour  of  this  system.  But 
heightened  competition  and  great  irregularity  of  employ- 
ment seem  necessarily  involved,  bringing  with  them  serious 
evils. 

These  evils  the  workers  seek  to  counteract  by  organiza- 
tion, and  the  State  by  legislation,  and  against  them  public 
sentiment  flings  itself,  at  times  with  much  misdirected 
abuse,  at  times  with  enthusiastic  advocacy  of  impractic- 
able remedies.  "Whether  they  be  remediable  or  not,  the 
existence  of  these  evils  has  driven  the  undiscriminating 
advocacy  of  Icisser  /aire  from  the  field,  and  has  even 
shaken  seriously  the  stability  and  hold  on  public  opinion 
of  orthodox  economic  doctrine.  It  follows  that  there  is 
great  danger  of  ill-advised  action,  and  it  is  as  throwing 
some  light  on  the  character  of  these  troubles  and  difficul- 
ties, and  on  the  possibility  of  their  removal,  that  I  now 
turn  to  the  material  we  have  collected  concerning  industry 
in  London. 

The  general  characteristics  of  modern  industry  are 
closely  associated  with  its  organic  character.  In  trade 
no  member  can  suffer  without  others  suffering  too,  and 
times  of  prosperity  are  generally  shared.  From  this  organic 
relationship  special  forms  of  expansion  and  contraction 
result,  making  epochs  of  good  and  bad  trade  which  succeed 


CIIARACTERISTICS   OF  MODERN  IXDUSTRY.  73 

each  other  in  cycles.  It  is  true  that  such  alternations  are 
no  new  tbing-,  having  always  followed  upon  favourable  or 
unfavourable  harvests,  and  having  been  even  more  marked 
in  the  past  than  now,  but  while  by  cheapening  carriage 
and  by  other  means,  we  have  to  a  great  extent  equalized 
the  distribution  of  the  products  of  the  earth  and  have 
vanquished  famine,  the  periodical  waves  of  good  and  bad 
times  are  still  severe.  We  escape  from  the  grip  of  dearth 
only  to  suffer  the  strange  and  monstrous  strangulation  of 
over-production. 

Looked  at  from  near  by,  these  cycles  of  depression  have 
a  distinctly  harmful  and  even  a  cruel  aspect ;  but  from  a 
more  distant  point  of  view,  "  afar  from  the  sphere  of  our 
sorrow,"  they  seem  less  malignant.  They  miglit  then, 
perhaps,  with  a  little  effort  of  the  imagination,  be  con- 
sidered as  the  orderly  beating  of  a  heart  causing  the  blood 
to  circulate — each  throb  a  cycle.  Even  in  the  range  of  our 
lives,  within  easy  grasp  of  human  experience,  whether  or 
not  men  suffer  from  these  alternations  depends  on  the  unit 
of  time  on  which  economic  life  is  based.  Those  who  live 
from  day  to  day,  or  from  week  to  week,  and  even  those 
who  live  from  year  to  year,  may  be  pinched  when  trade 
contracts — some  of  them  must  be.  There  are  some  victims, 
but  those  who  are  able  and  willing  to  provide  in  times  of 
prosperity  for  the  lean  years  which  seem  inevitably  to 
follow,  do  not  suffer  at  all ;  and,  if  the  alternations  of  good 
and  bad  times  be  not  too  sudden  or  too  great,  the  com- 
munity gains  not  only  by  the  strengthening  of  character 
under  stress,  but  also  by  a  direct  effect  on  enterprise. 
As  to  character  the  effect,  especially  on  wage -earner's,  is 
very  similar  to  that  exercised  on  a  population  by  the 
recui-reuce  of  winter  as  compared  to  the  enervation  of 
continual  summer.  As  to  enterprise,  and  this  applies  more 
particularly  to  the  masters,  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand 
the  invigorating  influence  of  periodic  stress.  In  bad  times 
men's  wits  are  exercised  to  escape  loss,  and  only  the  more 


74  SrnVEY  AND    COSCLUSIOXS. 

capable  managers,  or  those  who  command  some  special 
advantages,  can  stand  the  strain.  There  result  a  constant 
seeking  after  improvement,  a  weeding-out  of  the  incapable, 
and  a  survival  of  the  fittest.  In  good  times  the  whole  scale 
of  operations  with  the  improved  methods  is  naturally 
extended,  and  when  trade  once  more  contracts  the  struggle 
is  renewed.  A  cheapening  of  production  results ;  but 
greater  cheapness  is  not  the  only  benefit  to  the  community 
from  this  struggle,  for  from  the  pursuit  of  success  under 
difficulties  spring  the  efforts  to  which  I  have  already 
referred,  which  are  needed  to  approach  or  attract  the 
customer  and  make  it  easier  to  serve  him.  Indeed, 
cheapness  itself  is  sought  as  much  in  order  to  extend  as 
to  hold  a  market.  In  these  ways  existence  is  made  easier 
to  the  consumer,  the  multiplication  of  wants  is  system- 
atically encouraged  by  those  whose  object  it  is  to  supply 
them,  and  the  standard  of  life  rises. 

The  organic  character  of  industry  reacts  upon  individuals 
as  well  as  trades.  As  in  production  each  business  plays 
its  part — leaning  upon  other  trades  for  support,  or  itself 
the  centre  of  many  subsidiary  efforts — so  under  modern 
conditions  it  is  with  each  individual  worker.  Increasing 
sub-division  of  labour  makes  it  continually  less  possible  for 
any  one  to  stand  alone.  Hence  there  arises  great  com- 
plexity of  industrial  structure — a  complexity  which  affects 
small  units  of  business  as  well  as  large ;  for  it  frequently 
happens  under  the  most  modern  development  of  the  small 
employer  that  he  "  works  for  the  trade,''  undertaking  some 
single  operation — a  mere  fraction  of  a  complicated  process 
in  the  course  of  which  the  product  passes  backwards  and 
forwards  and  from  workshop  to  workshop  on  its  road  to 
completion.  Witli  improved  and  cheapened  means  of 
communication,  division  of  labour  is  being  extended  in 
many  directions,  with  striking  and  perh^ips  unexpected 
results.     Kot  only  do  the  small  men  work  for  the  large,  but 


CILinACTElUSTICS   OF  MODEllN  INDUSTPA'.  75 

the  large  for  the  small ;  the  finished  article  of  one  operation 
being  the  raw  material  of  the  next. 

When  the  small  employer  works  for  the  large  manufacturer 
it  is  usually  to  perform  some  detail,  some  special  finishing 
process,  which  can  be  done  as  well  perhaps  under  a  separate 
loof  and  better  under  distinct  management.  Sometimes 
the  "  sub-contractor/'  as  ho  is  rather  loosely  described, 
coming  in  from  outside  is  provided  with  the  room  he 
requires  for  his  operations,  or  a  regular  employee  in  the 
factory  may  take  work  at  a  price,  paying  wages  to  those 
under  him.  Thus,  even  with  respect  to  work  done  through- 
out under  factory  conditions,  under  the  same  rooY  and 
general  management,  there  maybe  every  shade  of  delegated 
authority,  every  degree  of  separate  individuality  and 
responsibility — from  the  foreman  of  a  department,  who 
merely  carries  out  the  orders  he  receives,  to  an  independent 
master,  working  under  inspection,  but  otherwise  entirely 
uncontrolled.  When  the  large  factory  works  for  the  small 
master  it  is  in  the  earlier  processes — in  preparing  his 
materials,  or  the  parts  which  he  will  put  together. 

In  these  ways  the  paths  of  both  systems  are  made 
easy ;  industry  assumes  a  large  or  a  small  shape  as  con- 
venience or  economy  may  direct,  and  the  result  is  an  inter- 
dependent and  very  complicated  machine,  bound  together 
by  the  ligaments  of  credit,  in  the  action  of  which  the 
productive  impulse  is  gradually  removed  from  the  immediate 
requirements  of  the  actual  consumer,  and  becomes  dependent 
on  speculation  and  the  forestalling  of  demand. 

Thus  it  is  that  modern  industry,  with  all  its  advantages,  > 
yet  evolves  an  ill-regulated  life  of  its  own,  with  the  ^ 
periodical  recurrence  of  glutted  markets  and  workless  [ 
workers. 

On  its  good  side  the  system  is  extraordinarily  efficient. 
The  capacities  of  man  are  stimulated,  guided  and  brought 
to  bear  on  the  desired  object,  and  the  forces  of  nature  are 


7G  SUEVFA'  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

more  and  nioro  subdued  to  liis  service.     No  other  system 
has  been  found  equally  productive. 

Some  of  the  workers  suffer  from  pressure  amounting  to 
hardship,  but  every  worker  is  also  a  consumer,  and  as 
consumers  all  gain;  so  that  the  standard  of  life  rises  in 
every,  or  almost  every,  class.  There  follow  further, 
a  general  expansion  and  elasticity  of  trade,  and  an  opening 
up  of  new  avenues  of  success  which  have  gone  far  to  replace 
in  European  countries,  and  especially,  I  think,  in  England, 
the  advantages  which  unoccupied  land  provides  elsewhere. 
To  talent,  even  of  a  very  humble  description,  a  career 
always  opens,  and  energy  and  enterprise  find  nowhere 
a  better  market  than  at  home. 

Modern  business,  thus  constituted,  requires,  above  all 
things,  good  leadership.  It  is  neither  labour  nor  capital 
alone  that  profiteth,  but  rather  the  application  of  both  to 
the  needs  of  men.  Labour  without  wise  guidance  is  as 
useless  as  capital  without  the  power  to  employ  it  well. 
The  demand  for  the  application  of  brains  to  capital,  and  of 
both  to  business  management,  was  not  always  so  exacting. 
A  boot-maker,  who  waited  to  make  boots  till  someone 
ordered  them,  needed  no  other  impulse,  and  for  guidance 
took  his  measure  from  his  customer's  foot.  But  if,  in  pursuit 
of  cheapness  of  production  and  in  his  desire  to  supply 
a  wider  mai'ket,  he  now  builds  a  factory,  creates  expensive 
machinery,  and  makes  boots  by  the  thousand,  his  success 
will  evidently  depend,  in  quite  another  degree,  on  sound 
judgment  and  business  forethought.  If  he  succeed,  many 
Avill  share  the  benefit  of  his  success,  and  his  failure,  if  he 
fail,  will  be  correspondingly  widespread  in  its  effects. 

Primitive  methods  still  prevailed  largely  in  the  days  of 
the  older  economists,  and  may  account  for  their  equally 
primitive  analysis  of  the  main  instruments  of  production 
into  hind,  capital,  and  labour.  The  further  analysis,  show- 
ing management  as  a  distinct  and  most  important  form  of 
industrial  effort  with  profit  as   its  characteristic   mode  of 


CIIArxACTEBISTICS   OF  MODERN  INDUSTRY.  77 

remuneration,  has  only  had  full  recoj^nition  in  more  recent 
years.  As  wag-es  are  the  usunl  reward  and  motive  of  labour 
(using  the  word  in  its  ordinary  sense),  as  interest  is 
the  return  and  stimulus  for  the  use  of  capital,  and  rent  for 
the  use  and  development  of  land,  so  profit  making  is  the 
aim  which  mainly  actuates  management.  "'Tis  money 
makes  the  mare  to  go/'  They  may  require  to  be  con- 
trolled by  other  considerations,  but  the  desire  to  make,  and 
the  necessity  of  making,  profit  are  the  dominant  influences 
in  business  management.  If  the  desire  for  the  maximum 
profit  of  the  moment  is  accepted  as  the  sole  guide,  grasping 
after  gain  may  lead  men  far  astray,  both  as  caterers  and  as 
employers,  but  on  the  whole  we  may  say,  with  Dr.  Johnson, 
that  "  a  man  is  seldom  more  innocently  occujoied  than  ia 
making  money." 

No  benefit  can  permanently  accrue  to  those  who  undertake 
the  management  of  business,  without  some  corresponding 
advantage  having  been  gained  by  those  whose  wants  are 
supplied.  Nor  is  this  the  only  debt  owed  by  society  to 
what  is  contemptuously  called  "  profit-mongering.^^  The 
part  profit  plays  as  guide  is  perhaps  not  less  important 
than  that  of  motive,  though  it  is  rarely  recognized.  lu 
this  capacity  it  may  be  regarded  as  the  proof  that  an 
exchange  of  services  has  been  accomplished,  the  benefits  of 
which  are  mutual.  The  making  of  profit  decides  whether 
labour  has  been  wisely  applied  or  material  rightly  used. 
Men  will  not  pay  for  what  they  do  not  want,  nor  on  the 
other  hand  continue  to  supply  that  by  which  they  gain 
nothing.  Thus  we  have  in  profit  the  final  economic  justi- 
fication of  expenditure  in  trade.  Every  transaction  comes 
to  be  tried  in  the  court  of  profit  or  loss,  and  no  business 
enterprise,  unless  it  be  experimental  or  educational  or 
philanthropic  in  its  character,  v/hich  does  not  respond  to 
this  guidance  can  be  permanently  either  successful  or 
useful. 

It  may  be  desirable   to  supplement  the  action  of  this 


73  SURVEY  AND    COXCJ^USIONS. 

impulse.  For  some  services  other  motives  and  other  tests 
are  required.  But  in  the  daily  guidance  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  activities  of  life,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  it  can 
be  dispensed  with  or  adequately  replaced. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  status  and  efficiency  of 
manual  labour  depend  very  closely  on  the  part  played  by 
brain  power.  Of  this  all  management  is  a  form,  and 
machinery  itself  is  only  another  development  of  manage- 
ment. Those  who  are  employed  themselves  become  parts 
of  a  machine  which,  though  arranged  to  suit  their  powers, 
or  the  terms  on  which  their  labour  can  be  secured,  does 
gradually,  by  selection  and  exercise,  tend  to  modify  the 
characters  and  capacities  of  men  to  suit  its  own  require- 
ments. This  conduces  to  the  suppression  of  industrial 
individuality  amongst  working  men,  and  to  the  increase  of 
helplessness — a  result  which,  though  most  evident  when 
the  unit  of  business  is  large,  is  true  of  modern  industry  in 
all  its  shapes.  On  the  connection  between  this  helpless- 
ness and  poverty  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  dwell ;  it  is  self- 
evident  and  continually  recurs. 

The  consciousness  which  has  come  home  to  workingf-men 
of  the  compai'atively  weak  position  of  the  individual 
worker  has  been  the  main  cause  of  trade  unions,  with 
many  consequences  which  are  seen  developing  day  by  day 
before  our  cyes."*^ 

Combinations  of  workmen,  if  widespread  and  powerful, 
make  it  necessary  for  employers  to  combine  also.  On 
these  lines  a  balance  of  power  may  be  reached  which  may 
work  fairly  well.  Under  it  we  have  organized  men  and 
organized   masters,   organized   peace    or    organized    war. 

•  Of  these  developments  some  are  indeed  so  recent  and  so  marked,  and 
have  produced  such  rapid  changes,  as  to  have,  perhaps,  rather  blurred  the 
picture  of  some  of  the  trades  we  have  studied;  disturbing  the  "instant- 
aneous "  character  of  the  "  photograph  "  which  we  have  tried  to  produce  of 
the  industrial  conditions  of  to-day. 


CIIARACTEIilSTICS   OF  MODERN  INDUSTRY.  79 

This  is  rather  a  strained  condition  of  things  at  best ;  and 
hope  of  permanent  good  must  be  looked  for  in  the 
gradual  attainment  by  both  masters  and  men  of  a  know- 
ledge of  their  own  and  their  opponents'  position  in  relation 
each  to  each  and  to  the  consumer  whom  they  both  serve, 
and  with  whom,  be  it  said,  rests  the  ultimate  yea  and  nay 
of  employment. 

When  the  consequences  of  trade  disputes  become  very 
serious,  and  particularly  if  the  general  interests  of  the 
community  are  palpably  involved,  interference  in  some 
shape  follows.  Public  sentiment  is  aroused,  newspapers 
espouse  this  side  or  that,  arbitration  is  called  for,  and 
perhaps  the  Government  intervenes  as  a  peacemaker. 
Actual  intervention  rarely  comes  till  both  disputants  are 
ready  to  welcome  it,  and  coming  thus  is  generally  success- 
ful. A  temporary  success  of  this  kind  or  the  wearisome 
strain  of  hostile  relationships  has  led  in  some  cases  to  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  board  of  arbitration  or 
conciliation.  This  plan  has  yielded  excellent  results  in 
the  current  adjustment  of  differences  and  maintenance  of 
peace,  and  offers  perhaps  the  best  chance  for  the  future  as 
leading  to  the  evolution  of  traditions  of  diplomacy  which 
it  may  be  hoped  will  gradually  replace  the  recklessness  of 
mere  combat. 

But  these  final  results  of  systematic  organization  are  not 
easily  reached,  and  it  may  even  be  doubted  whether,  con- 
sidering the  entire  field  of  industrial  relations,  this  is  the 
direction  in  which,  on  the  whole,  we  are  movino-.  The 
movement  at  any  rate  is  very  slow.  Only  certain  trades 
seem  capable  of  effective  organization,  and  their  number 
does  not  appear  to  grow  larger.  It  is,  I  know,  commonly 
supposed  that  under  modern  development  trades  become 
more  and  more  suitable  for  elaborate  organization,  but 
I  can  find  no  sure  ground  for  this  belief. 

Successful  combination  depends  on  possession  by  the 
men  of  some  special  qualification  for  the  work  they  under- 


80  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

take,  which  serves  to  protect  them,  at  any  rate  for  a  time, 
from  the  competition  of  outside  labour.  The  number  of 
trades  and  of  men  to  wliom  this  applies  does  not  tend  to 
increase.  Apprenticeship  is  dying  out.  Steadiness  of 
character  and  amenability  to  discipline,  rather  than 
acquired  skill,  are  the  qualities  increasingly  demanded, 
and  those  selected  for  advancement  on  account  of  these 
qualities  are  "  masters'  men,"  taught  by  the  masters  what 
they  require  to  know,  and  needing  no  assistance  from  any 
union  in  obtaining  fair  wages  and  regular  employment. 

It  is  to  be  observed,  moreover,  that  the  helplessness  of 
the  worker,  whether  unionist  or  non-unionist,  shows  itself 
not  so  much  in  rates  of  wages  as  in  irregularity,  or  actual 
lack,  of  employment ;  and  that  combination,  while  usually 
able  to  cope  successfully  with  many  questions  affecting  the 
conditions  of  employment,  is  powerless  to  increase  the 
volume  of  work — happy  indeed  if  it  does  not  diminish  it. 
It  is  to  be  noted  also  that  the  efforts  made  by  some  unions 
to  equalize  earnings  by  a  system  of  out-of-work  benefit 
have  not  been  very  successful.  Their  principal  object  is  to 
maintain  rates  of  wages,  and  this  they  not  infrequently 
accomplish,  but  with  the  practical  result  that  the  well- 
behaved  and  competent  support  the  ill-behaved  and 
incompetent;  as  well  as,  and  even  more  than,  the  victims 
of  mischance.  Beyond  this  it  must  be  said  that  rates  of 
wages,  although  at  times  greatly  affected  by  combination 
among  the  workers,  are  determined  at  bottom  by  general 
conditions,  such  as  custom  and  the  standard  of  life,  and 
depend  on  subtle  forms  of  competition  which  no  combina- 
tion can  control  or  evade — on  an  economic  atmosphere,  in 
fact,  which  is  itself  the  resultant  of  many  causes.  Among 
these  causes  combined  action  to  raise  and  sustain  the  value 
of  labour  plays  a  considerable  part,  but  other  influences, 
as,  for  instance,  climate  and  national  character,  go  for 
far  more. 

The    connection    between    lack    of     organization    and 


CIIAIiACTERISTICS   OF  MODERN  INDUSTRY.  81 

insufficient  remuneration  is  mainly  indirect.  A  low  scale 
of  pay  is  found  only  with  labour  which  can  be  easily 
replaced,  and  such  labour  lacks  all  the  qualities  which 
make  organization  feasible  and  successful.  It  is  not 
ill-paid  because  unorganized  so  much  as  unorganized 
because  of  little  real  value.  On  the  other  hand,  good  pay 
is  perfectly  possible  without  the  support  of  any  combina- 
tion. Individual  strength,  trustworthiness  or  intelligence 
give  value  to  service  even  apart  from  the  possession  of 
special  skill,  and  those  who  possess  these  qualifications 
may  be  even  better  able  to  make  their  own  market 
successfully. 

I  do  not  undervalue  the  efficacy  of  much  trade  union 
action.  Beyond  questions  of  remuneration  they  have  been 
particularly  useful  in  reducing  hours  of  labour  and  in 
checking  the  abuse  of  overtime ;  moreover,  by  giving 
expression  to  common  aspirations  they  breathe  life  and 
spirit  into  the  hearts  of  the  men.  But  if  trade  unions 
try  to  extend  their  action  beyond  the  limits  of  consent 
and  seek  to  compel  the  adherence  of  all  workers  to  one 
policy  by  the  refusal  of  union  men  to  work  with  non- 
unionists,  the  attempt  is  likely  to  be  followed,  and  in  some 
cases  has  been  followed,  by  the  "  federation  of  free 
labour,"  or  by  the  offer  of  substantial  advantages  by 
employers  to  non-union  men.  The  sudden  cessation  of 
work  being  regarded  as  the  main  weapon  of  combination, 
and.  being  sometimes  used  without  much  regard  to  the 
mischief  done,  masters  very  naturally  seek  to  blunt  its 
edge  by  offers  of  continuous  employment,  of  profit-shaiino-^ 
of  cheap  insurance,  and  of  pensions  in  old  age ;  and  by  so 
doing  show  bow  great  is  the  additional  value,  in  some 
employments  at  any  rate,  of  work  which  is  not  subject  to 
this  risk  of  interference.  Management  has  absolute  need 
of  a  secure  basis  for  its  forecasts  and  calculations,  and 
beyond  this  finds  a  further  advantage,  in  the  effect  on  the 
character  of  the  work  done,  of  a  closer  bond  with  those 
V  6 


82  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

who  are  euiployed,  to  say  noihing  of  the  perhaps  senti- 
mental, but  not  less  real,  value  of  pleasant  relations  with 
work-people  which  the  spirit  aroused  by  trade  union 
policy  often  tends  to  impair.  For  these  various  advantages, 
and  especially  the  first,  the  hirers  of  labour  are  willing  to 
pay  substantially. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  said  that  it  is  not  till  masters  have 
experienced  the  rough  side  of  union  action  that  they  learn 
to  value  free  relations,  and  hence  that  either  way  it  is  to 
the  unions  that  improvement  is  due.  These  considera- 
tions, however,  tend  to  limit,  and  at  times  to  undermine, 
the  powers  exerted  by  the  unions.  The  part  organized 
combination  among  the  workers  plays  in  securing  a  just 
balance  of  affairs  is  important,  but  it  is  in  this  light,  as 
a  modifying  rather  than  as  a  controlling  force,  that  it  must 
be  regarded. 

The  heightened  struggle  for  existence,  with  it  ups  and 
downs  of  commercial  inflation  and  contraction,  causes 
more  evils  than  we  have  here  mentione<'L  They  are, 
however,  all  compatible  with  a  rising  standard  of  comfort 
and  a  greater  diffusion  of  wealth.  Competition  is  a  force 
that  drives  unceasingly.  In  order  to  reach  and  please  the 
customer,  use  is  made  of  every  possible  advantage.  If 
machinery  cheajoens  cost,  then  hand-labour  must  accept  less 
money  or  lose  its  work  entirely.  The  management  which 
ruthlessly  adapts  itself  to  these  hard  circumstances  is 
characterized  as  "  sweating."  The  evils  which  result  have 
been  analysed  in  a  previous  volume.  They  affect  employers 
as  well  as  employed.  Both  suffer,  and  the  advantage  to  the 
consumer  is  often  illusory.  Masters  and  men  are  alike 
ground  down,  while  the  public  is  defrauded  by  adulteration 
and  bad  workmanship. 

Frequent  bankruptcy  is  another  product  of  this  struggle, 
and  by  throwing  men  out  of  work  is  the  cause  of  much 
industrial  friction  and  consequent  distress.     So  chronic  is 


CIIARACTEniSTlCS   OF  MODERN  INDUSTRY.  83 

tliis  trouble  that  the  forced  sales  of  bankrupt  stock  may- 
even  be  counted  amongst  the  accredited  methods  of 
distribution. 

Thus,  to  sum  up,  we  find  that  the  main  cliaracteristics  of 
modern  industry  are  the  speculative  forestalling  of  wants, 
a  great  complexity  of  operation  and  increased  respon- 
sibility of  management.  The  results  are  cheap  and 
manifold  j)roducts,  a  rising  standard  of  life,  and  extended 
fields  of  industrial  action ;  but  connected  with  these 
undoubted  advantages  we  have  a  string  of  serious  evils, 
and  it  is  not  surprising  that  consciousness  of  them  causes 
men  to  seek  persistently  for  a  remedy;  all  the  more 
as  they  seem  to  be  only  the  misbegotten  offspring  of 
prosperity.  It  may  be  that  in  ordinary  times  no  very  large 
proportion  of  the  population  are  sufferers  from  these  evils, 
but  whatever  their  numbers,  or  to  whatever  extent  their 
misfortunes  may  be  traceable  to  their  own  fault,  we  cannot 
unheeding  pass  by  on  the  other  side. 


0  * 


CHAPTER  II. 

LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE  OP  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY. 


London  has  no  single  staple  industry.  Wo  find  in  it 
no  dominant  trade  or  group  of  trades — no  industrial 
feature  corresponding,  for  instance,  to  the  dependence 
of  the  great  towns  of  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire  npon 
the  prosperity  of  the  textile  industries ;  of  Newcastle  on 
ship-building  and  engineering;  of  Middlesbrough  on  the 
iron  trade ;  of  Lyons  upon  silk ;  and  of  Chicago  upon 
a  progressive  agriculture.  London  has  no  such  specialized 
industrial  life.  Ship-building  may  leave  the  Thames; 
silk  - -weaving  decline  in  Spitalfields;  chair  -  making 
desert  Bethual  Green;  books  be  printed  in  Edinburgh 
or  Aberdeen ;  and  sugar-refining  be  killed  by  foreign 
fi=cal  policy ;  but  the  industrial  activity  of  London  shows 
no  abatement.  Individuals  and  individual  trades  may 
suffer,  but  her  vitality  and  productive  energy,  stimulated 
by  a  variety  of  resources  probably  unequalled  in  their 
number  and  extent  by  those  of  any  other  city  cither 
ancient  or  modern,  remain  unimpaired.  London  is  supreme 
not  only  in  variety,  but  in  total  magnitude.  The  workers 
are  numbered  nob  only  by  thousands,  but  by  hundreds  of 
thousands,  even  almost  by  millions. 

In  regarding  Loudon  as  a  whole,  therefore,  we  are 
confronted  by  the  many  sidedness  of  its  industrial  life. 
The  multiplicity  of  processes  and  trades  arrests  the  atten- 
tion, but  we  have  difficulty  in  analysing  the  complex 
whole — in  grasping  the  endless  varieties  of  its  component 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE  OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.        85 

parts.  Not  one  trade  alone  is  seen  in  operation,  not  two 
or  three,  but  a  multitude.  Every  branch  and  all  the 
machinery  of  trade  and  industry  are  represented — bankin<^ 
and  finance,  manufacture,  dealing,  and  distribution,  and 
every  form  of  public  and  pi'ivate  service.  Thus,  while 
tending  often  to  over-specialize  the  skill  of  its  individual 
workers,  London  maintains  and  develops  a  comprehensive- 
ness that  is  almost  magnificent  in  its  catholicity  and  range. 

This  great  variety  is  the  outcome  of  many  forces — the 
widening  area  covered  by  trade;  the  pressure  of  competi- 
tion ;  the  fresh  applications  to  industry  of  the  teachings 
of  science,  and  the  extending  demands  of  a  people  that 
is  learning  constantly  to  turn  the  luxuries  of  the  past 
into  the  necessaries  of  the  present.  The  story  of  the 
treasured  silk  stockings  of  Queen  Elizabeth  is  not  without 
significance,  nor  the  fact  that  any  errand-boy  can  carry  in 
Lis  pocket  to-day  the  watch  that  comparative  wealth  alone 
could  command  some  twenty  years  ago.  In  every  direction 
new  wants  are  being  recognized,  some  pressing  closely  upon 
the  prodnctive  power  of  the  community,  others  suggesting 
only  in  dim  outline  new  fields  of  demand  that  the  future 
will  fully  reveal.  In  every  direction  new  outlets  are  being 
opened  up  for  the  absorption  of  human  energy,  and — 
source  of  so  many  social  and  economic  problems — new 
ways  are  being  discovered  by  which  this  energy  can  be 
either  economized  or  supplanted. 

These  vai'ied  changes  lead  to  an  altered  relationship 
between  many  parts  of  the  industrial  whole,  and  the  fresh 
adaptations  necessary,  even  though  they  be  signs  of  growth, 
not  infrequently  involve  dislocation.  It  is  this  feature, 
indeed,  combined  with  the  difficulties  to  which  it  gives 
rise  and  the  suffering  with  which  it  is  frequently  attended, 
rather  than  the  creation  of  new  fields  of  employment, 
that  is  often  allowed  to  absorb  the  attention.  Hardship  is 
more  dramatic  than  natural  growth,  and  it  is  the  instinct 


SG  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

of  the  popular  mind  to  fix  itself  upon  the  more  staT'tling, 
and  even  upon  the  sadder  tendencies  of  the  times,  rather 
than  upon  those  that  are  more  persistent  and  progressive — 
upon  social  and  economic  "  faults/'  rather  than  upon  the 
lines  of  a  gradual  evolution. 

But  the  fundamental  fact  of  continuous  development 
remains.  Industrial  life  palpitates  with  youth  and  growth, 
and  those  would  seem  to  err  who,  in  pursuit  of  any  ideal, 
would  ran  the  risk  of  stereotyping  its  forms  or  limiting  the 
extent  of  its  expansion. 

So  many  branches  of  industry  coming  within  the  network 
of  her  operations,  London  is  deeply  concerned  in  this 
increasingly  productive  power  of  the  race,  and  in  the 
variety  and  elasticity  of  human  demand.  Sometimes  we 
see  her  lagging  behind,  irresponsive  to  a  potential  demand 
that  it  only  rested  with  her  to  make  effective;  at  others 
swift  to  change,  alert,  leading,  and  initiating. 

Continual  variation  and  development  must,  however,  be 
met  constantly  by  a  corresponding  poAver  and  readiness  of 
adaptation  and  response.  The  industrial  tenure  of  places, 
as  of  persons,  is  essentially  insecure.  Even  the  develop- 
ment of  a  great  city,  tracing  its  origin  to  its  accessibility, 
to  the  strength  of  its  military  position,  or,  it  may  be,  partly 
to  chance,  does  not  ensure  the  permanent  retention  of 
more  than  a  small  proportion  of  the  total  of  its  industrial 
activities.  Certain  of  its  operations  in  distribution  and  in 
trading  ;  all  forms  of  service  rendered  to  persons  or  groups 
of  persons ;  all  labour  expended  on  permanent  fixtures, 
such  as  buildings  or  streets,  must,  it  is  true,  be  necessarily 
carried  on  in  its  midst.  Bat,  in  spite  of  the  important 
influences  of  physical  environment,  only  a  sm.all  proportion 
of  the  whole  field  of  productive  industry  is  permanently 
assured  to  a  given  centre  by  any  form  of  natural  monopoly. 
In  a  certain  number  of  cases,  especially  when  the  com- 
modity is  bulky,  or  perishable,  or  when  it  is  normally 
produced  for  immediate  consumption,  the  local  producer  is 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE   OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.       87 

guaranteed  to  some  extent  against  outside  competition,  in 
any  case  as  regards  the  later  stages  of  manufacture,  since 
he  tends  to  be  at  once  the  most  economical,  as  well  as  the 
most  convenient  source  of  supply :  London,  for  instance, 
is  less  likely  to  import  coffins  than  gold^eaf,  and  loaves 
of  bread  than  coru  and  flour.  But  in  a  few  cases  only  does 
the  locality  of  a  demand  determine  also  the  locality  of  an 
industry,  and  the  great  bulk  of  the  trades  of  London 
remain  liable  to  displacement. 

We  may  ask,  therefore,  with  reference  to  the  larger  part 
of  its  productive  industry :  how  is  London  able  to  secure 
the  necessary  supply  of  persons  and  of  plant;  of  the 
materials  and  all  the  forms  of  subsidiary  equipment  that 
enable  it,  not  only  to  hold  its  own  successfully  in  the 
competition  that  presses  within  its  own  borders,  but  also, 
dependent  as  it  is  upon  distant  sources  for  almost  all 
material  used,  to  place  its  finished  commodities  in  a 
thousand  forms  upon  a  thousand  markets  ?  What  are  the 
special  advantages  of  London  as  a  centre  of  trade  and 
manufacture  ? 

The  first  advantage  that  London  possesses  is  its  own 
population  of  between  four  and  five  millions,  providing 
a  range  of  effective  demand  far  exceeding  that  of  any  other 
centre.  Up  to  the  present  time,  moreover,  this  source 
of  demand  has  tended  constantly  to  grow,  being  rein- 
forced by  increased  facilities  for  locomotion  and  trans- 
port, and  for  the  remittal  of  money,  which  have  made 
London  a  source  of  wholesale,  and  even  of  retail,  supply 
for  the  whole  country.  For,  in  some  measure,  the 
Metropolis  fills  a  position  in  relation  to  the  country  at 
large  analogous  to  that  which  small  provincial  towns 
occupy  in  relation  to  their  neighbouring  villages :  it  is 
a  great  purchasing  market  for  those  resident  elsewhere. 
Provincial  dealers  Avho  huj  to  sell  again  ;  manufac- 
turers, who  buy   material   to    be   made  up  in   some   other 


83  SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

form;  provincial  consumers;  and  visitors  from  every 
country  go  to  swell  the  etlective  demand  of  London.  For 
some,  the  shops  and  stores  provide  the  diffused  and  varied 
display  out  of  which  every  taste  and  every  purse  can  be 
accommodated;  for  others,  the  markets  are  concentrated  in 
recognized  localities  in  the  warehouses  and  showrooms  of 
the  particular  trade,  as  in  Curtain  Road  for  many  classes  of 
furniture,  in  the  near  neighbourhood  of  St.  Paul's  for  all 
forms  of  drapery ;  and  in  Hatton  Garden  for  diamonds  and 
jewellery ;  while  in  other  cases,  as  for  timber,  leather, 
corn  and  wool,  there  are  fixed  times  of  public  sale  in  special 
centres  of  exchange. 

The  economic  position  of  London  is  still  further 
strengthened  by  the  fact  that  it  is  not  only  an  unrivalled 
national  emporium  and  world-market,  but  is  also  the 
Mother-city  of  the  Kingdom  and  of  the  Empire.  London 
is  the  centre,  moreover,  not  only  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment and  of  the  Judiciary,  but  also  of  banking  and 
finance,  both  national  and  international.  It  is  in  London 
that  the  agents-general  for  the  great  Colonies,  as  well  as 
the  chief  business  agencies,  and  official  commercial  repre- 
sentatives of  foreign  countries  are  found,  their  presence 
illustrating  the  fact  that  it  is  the  recognized  national  centre, 
not  only  of  government  but  of  trade.  Nearly  all  important 
provincial  manufacturing  firms  also,  either  through  a  London 
branch  or  the  medium  of  a  recognized  agent,  find  it 
expedient  to  make  special  provision  for  the  distribution  of 
some  part  of  their  products  in  the  London  market,  and, 
even  if  in  some  cases  their  presence  indicates  increased 
competition  with  London  industries,  they  in  any  case  assist 
in  perfecting  its  varied  stock  of  merchandise,  and  so  in 
strengthening  its  attractive  force. 

In  spite,  therefore,  of  all  tendencies  towards  tho 
elimination  of  the  unnecessary  middle-man,  which  involves 
also  that  of  the  unnecessary  middle-market,  London  still 
hoMs  a  unique    position  in  the  variety  of  ways   in  wliich 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE  OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.         89 

it  acts  as  a  centre  of  distrn)utioii  for  homo^  colonial,  and 
foreign  products.  Everything  can  be  bought  in  London, 
and  tlierefore  everyone  comes  to  buy,  and  the  Metropolitan 
manufacturer  himself  iinds  his  advantage  as  buyer  as  well 
as  seller  in  this  great  market.  For  London  is  as  much 
an  emporium  for  raw  materials  coming  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  as  for  finished  products, and  in  addition,  the  manu- 
facturer can  readily  supply  himself  with  every  appliance, 
machine  or  tool  that  may  be  required  for  his  work. 

Labour  also  of  every  kind  can  be  easily  hired.  One  has 
usually  but  to  hold  up  the  finger  to  secure  whatever  men  are 
needed,  and  although  much  of  London  labour  is  un-skilled 
and  degraded,  much  of  it  is  of  the  greatest  excellence, 
and  is  being  constantly  recruited  from  among  the  best 
workmen  that  the  country  can  produce. 

So  marked  a  feature  is  this  excellence  and  abundance 
that  we  find  an  external  demand  not  only  for  London  labour 
through  the  medium  of  London  products,  but  also  not 
infrequently  for  the  immediate  industrial  services  of  its 
workmen.  Skilled  men  are  asked  for  to  plan,  supervise, 
and  carry  out  work  in  all  directions,  and  for  exceptional 
service  no  distance  is  found  to  be  too  great. 

Finally,  for  facilities  of  distribution  and  of  transport  by 
sea  and  land,  the  position  of  London  is  unequalled,  and 
the  circle  of  its  economic  advantages  is  completed  by  the 
fact  that  it  is  the  greatest  port  as  well  as  the  greatest 
city  of  the  world. 

Such  considerations,  together  with  the  general  interest 
of  London,  "  the  Mecca  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race " — its 
leadership  in  amusement  and  fashion;  its  historical  associa- 
tions ;  the  fascination  and  glitter,  even  the  gloom,  of  its 
hurrying  life — all  go  to  swell  its  attractive  force,  and  to 
strengthen  its  position  as  a  centre  of  trade  and  manufacture. 
Thus  London  has  a  unique  general  attractiveness,  as  well 
as  great  resources.  Its  industrial  position  is  both  the  cause 
and  the  effect  of  its  wealth,  and  it  illustrates  in  the  form  of 


CIO  sunrEY  and  conclusions. 

a  great  communitv  the  trutli  of  the  ancient  saying  that  riches 
come  where  wealth  and  all  that  wealth  commands  abound. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  disadvantages  are  grave,  and, 
if  London  had  to  start  again,  would  prove  insuperable. 
Modern  industry  is  largely  dependent  for  economy  on  cheap 
coal  and  cheap  iron,  and  London  has  neither;  or  it  may 
demand  ample  supplies  of  running  water  and  fresh  air,  and 
again  London  has  neither ;  or  light  and  space,  and  these 
also  are  either  not  available  or  can  be  obtained  only  at  a 
prohibitive  cost  in  rent ;  or  low  wages,  which  indeed  are 
often  paid,  but  for  which  indifferent  labour  alone  can  be 
secured  in  return,  since  in  London  good  workmen  command 
verv  hisrh  wag^es.* 

A  further  natural  disadvantage  is  to  be  found  in  the 
physical  deterioration  of  Londoners  for  which  only  partial 
compensation  is  to  be  found  in  the  modern  athletic 
revival,  and  in  the  influx  of  strong  arms  and  firm 
nerves  from  the  Provinces.  If  left  to  its  own  natural 
increase,  the  force  of  London  would  almost  inevitably 
decay,  and,  except  in  connection  with  a  continued  increase 
of  population,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  the  refreshing  stream 
from  outside  sources  could  floAv  freely.  It  will  be  seen, 
however,  that  in  this  disadvantage — in  the  actual  deteriora- 
tion of  London-born  labour — is  found  one  source  of  the 
undesirable  economic  strength  possessed  in  such  trades  as 
depend  on  the  supply  of  ill-paid  labour. 

Lastly,  we  should  perhaps  add,  although  it  is  a  drawback 

*  The  comparison  of  the  real  wages  of  the  London  workman  with  those 
paid  in  provincial  towns  is  a  complicated  problem,  owing  to  the  local  variations 
in  certain  necessary  items  of  expenditure,  especially  rent,  for  which  allowance 
must  be  made.  The  wages  paid,  however,  except  in  certain  low-paid 
trades,  are  almost  always  higher  in  London,  and  this  is  a  consideration  that 
tells  against  the  London  manufacturer.  A  conspicuous  instance  is  found 
in  the  case  of  the  litho-printers,  for  whom  the  London  rate  is  40s ;  fpr 
Belfast,  3.5«  ;  for  Birmingham,  32s  G(Z ;  and  for  Leeds  and  Cardiff  30s,  in 
all  cases  for  a  week  of  tifty-four  hours.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be 
remembered  tliat  a  comparison  of  the  real  cost  of  labour  cannot  be  made 
by  a  comparison  of  rates  of  wages.  It  would  be  necessary  also  to  compare 
efficiency. 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTBE  OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.        91 

more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  size  and  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  London  itself,  the  fact  that  London 
is  surrounded  by  comparatively  non-populous  districts. 
Beyond  the  twelve-mile  radius,  all  of  which  is,  strictly 
speaking,  a  Metropolitan  and  suburban  area,  the  district  is 
primarily  residential  and  agricidtural,  neither  populous 
nor  manufacturing.  As  market-counties,  Sussex,  Hertford- 
shire, Berkshire  and  extra-metropolitan  Kent  and  Surrey, 
cannot  be  compared  with  the  great  manufacturing  counties 
of  the  North  and  the  Midlands. 

It  is  evident  that  the  economic  hold  of  London  will  be 
weak  when  fuel,  iron  or  steel  enters  largely  as  an  item  in  the 
cost  of  production ;  when  the  materials  used  are  from  bulk 
or  weight  expensive  to  move,  unless  the  final  commodity  be 
fragile  or  quickly  perishable ;  or  when  the  processes  of  the 
trade  require  much  space,  either  of  structure  or  open  ground. 

Thus,  under  existing  conditions,  London  can  never 
become  an  important  centre  of  the  iron  and  steel  trades,  or 
of  the  textile  industries,  or  for  the  production  of  chemicals. 
The  economic  influences  at  work  will  tend  also  to  banish 
from  London  an  increasing  pi'oportion  of  such  work  as  the 
dressing  of  stone  for  building ;  carpentering  and  joinery 
in  their  earlier  stages,  especially  when  the  work  is  straight- 
forward and  executed  to  well-known  patterns ;  ship-building 
in  all  its  branches ;  mat-making,  originally  a  London 
textile  industry  ;  carriage-building;  perhaps  also  printing; 
and  we  find  that,  largely  on  account  of  rental  charges,  the 
Bermondsey  tan  yards  are  gradually  giving  way  to  those 
of  the  Provinces.* 

But  it  may  be  noted  that,  in  certsin  trades,  even  though 
the  dominant  influences  are  adverse,  there  are  special  kimls 

*  Apart  from  questions  of  fiscal  policy  the  general  economic  conditions 
affecting  the  strength  of  foreign  and  colonial  competition  in  the  London 
markets  will  necessarily  be  similar  in  kind  to  those  that  determine  the 
strength  of  provincial  competition,  in  the  former  cases  carriage  becoming 
generally,  though  by  no  means  always,  a  more  imx^ortant  item. 


92 


SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 


of  work  wliieli  tend  to  be  retained  by  London.  In  some 
cases  this  is  explained  by  the  necessity  for  prompt  execution 
of  the  work,  or  when,  from  its  artistic  or  complicated 
character,  the  direct  and  constant  supervision  of  the  buyer 
or  his  agent  is  desirable.  It  happens  also  sometimes  when 
great  excellence  is  demanded.  Thus,  we  find  that,  while 
Birmingham  makes  much  jewellery  from  well-known 
patterns,  London  is  the  centre  of  the  finer  work  that  is 
marked  by  originality  of  design ;  that  the  best  carriages 
are  still  made,  and  made  throughout,  in  London  ;  that  the 
best  surgical  instruments  and  the  best  cutlery  are  secured 
by  the  combination  of  London  workmanship  and  Sheffield 
steel ;  that  the  best  scientific  instruments,  the  best  work 
in  stained  glass  windows,  and,  in  spite  of  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  provincial  factories,  the  best  organs,  continue 
to  be  made  in  London,  In  all  these  instances  it  is  the 
superior  excellence  of  the  work  of  the  London  artisan  which 
maintains  his  position.  It  is  also  said  that  one  reason  why 
there  is  no  room  for  apprentices  in  many  of  the  large 
joinery  shops  of  London  is  that  the  b^st  work  alone  is 
executed  there. 

It  may  also  be  noted  that  London  is  largely  a  centre  at 
which  the  later  processes  of  manufacture  are  carried  out. 
An  illustration  of  this  may  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  although 
nearly  fifteen  thousand  persons  are  enumerated  in  the 
somewhat  complex  section  of  paper  manufactures,  only 
one  paper-mill  is  found  within  the  metropolitan  area, 
while  envelope  and  paper-bag  making,  for  instance,  are 
considerable  London  industries.  Another  example  is  that 
of  the  "  cloth-workers,"  who  are  represented  in  London  by 
a  small  but  highly  skilled  group  of  cloth-shrinkers.  A 
more  significant  aspect  of  this  is  seen,  however,  in  the 
tendency  for  London  to  become  a  place  where  parts  made 
elsewhere  arc  put  together — to  become,  in  other  v/ords, 
a  "  fitting  shop."  Of  this  wo  have  illustrations  in 
the    importation    of   carriage    wheels    or    parts    of  wheels 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE  OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.        93 

from  America;  or  of  the  roller  desks  in  sections,  from 
the  same  country  ;  and  it  is  further  instanced  by  many 
"  London  watclios,"  and  other  articles  that  acquire  in 
this  way  the  stamp  of  London  make.  We  may  note  too  tho 
exaggerated  complaints  that  the  London  joiner  and  plumber 
are  becoming  simply  the  "fitters"  of  goods  made  elsewhere. 

This  tendency  is  the  normal  accompaniment  of  industrial 
life  in  a  great  centre  of  distribution  and  consumption. 
As  consumption  is  tho  last  stage  in  the  history  of  a  com- 
modity, so  we  may  perhaps  regard  "dealing"  as  a  kind  of 
penultimate  process ;  and  with  this,  of  which  London  is  for 
many  industries  the  head- quarters,  the  last  stages  of 
manufacture  are  often  closely  associated. 

Finally,  in  its  connection  with  trades  mainly  located 
elsewhere,  the  place  of  London  as  a  "  repairing  shop  "  must 
be  mentioned.  The  most  important  examples  of  this  are 
found  in  the  metal  trades  and  among  the  riverside  industries 
connected  with  ship-building. 

In  most  of  the  fields  of  employment  we  have  mentioned, 
London  work  is  in  a  very  marked  way  supplementary  to 
or  dependent  upon  that  done  in  the  Provinces.  In  other 
directions  Metropolitan  trades  are  more  independent  and 
self-sustained,  but  it  is  less  easy  to  indicate  the  general 
characteristics  of  those  trades  over  which  the  hold  of  Loudon 
is  strong  than  of  those  over  which  it  is  weak. 

The  position  is  necessarily  strongest  when  the  convenience 
of  meeting  a  local  demand  by  local  sources  of  supply  is 
exceptionally  great,  as  in  baking,  brewing,  and  the  printing- 
of  newspapers."^ 

*  Perhaps  the  only  productive  industry  that  falls  indubitably  under  this 
heading  is  baking.  The  connection  of  all  others,  even  when  it  is  closest, 
as  in  wholesale  clothing,  is  accidental,  and  not  due  to  any  necessary  local 
relationshiiJ.  Even  in  baking,  the  supplying  of  London  with  bread  from  large 
extra-metropolitan  bakeries  is  quite  within  the  range  of  possible  develop- 
ments, and  a  lai'gc  amount  of  beer  now  drunk  in  London  comes  from 
or.tside,  some  being  brewed  in  Germany. 


9i  SURVEY  AND  COKCLVSIOXS. 

There  are  certain  other  trades  also  in  wliicli,  wlien  maters 
have  by  special  reputation  established  some  control  oc  the 
market,  the  position  of  London  is  especially  strong,  as  is  apt 
indeed  to  be  the  case  "with  all  trades  that,  no  matter  from 
■what  cause,  have  been  once  established  in  any  given  locality. 

Thus  we  find  a  large  group  of  trades  in  which  the  strong 
position  of  London  seems  to  be  explained,  not  by  any 
particular  fitness  other  than  that  of  nearness  to  a  large 
market,  but  rather  by  a  gradual  process,  mainly  unnoticed, 
•which  tends  to  follow  when  the  beginnings  of  a  trade  have 
been  made  in  a  locality  that  has  proved,  on  experiment,  to 
be  favourable.  J'y  suis,fy  rests,  might  be  taken  as  their 
motto.  They  have  held  their  own  in  the  stress  of 
competition,  and,  having  established  their  roots,  have  all 
the  strength  that  possession  gives.  Among  such  trades 
are  the  following :  clock-making ;  piano  making ;  basket 
making ;  saddle  and  harness  making ;  portmanteau  and 
leather  bag  making ;  and,  in  spite  of  partial  withdrawal, 
carriage  building. 

The  hold  of  London,  again,  is  especially  strong  in  cei'tain 
industries  that  are  largely  dependent  upon  an  abundant 
supply  of  low  paid  subsidiary  labour,  some  of  the  most 
conspicuous  instances  being  drawn  from  those  trades  in 
which  female  labour  is  largely  employed.  In  the  absence 
of  any  single  staple  trade  in  which  women  are  engaged,  the 
road  is  left  clear  in  London  for  the  expansion  of  many 
trades  which  otherwise  would  either  not  have  flourished 
there  or  would  have  been  carried  on  under  different 
conditions  of  manufacture.  But  the  prevailing  circum- 
stances of  life  and  labour  in  London  have  ensured  the 
supply  of  a  large  quantity  of  such  low-priced  labour.  It 
is  always  available  ;  much  of  it  is  young,  and  cheap  ;  much 
of  it  is  over-specialized  and  cheap ;  and  unfortunately  the 
conditions  of  employment  of  male  labour  not  infrequently 
illustrate  the  same — from  many  points  of  view  regrettable — 
strength  of  the  economic  position  of  London. 


LONDON  AS  A  CENTRE  OF  TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY.         95 

Thus,  since  it  is  able  to  supply  the  large  proportion  o£ 
unskilled,  semi-skilled,  and  over-specialized  labour  that  they 
need,  London  may  be  regarded  as  being  especially  adapted 
to  the  following  trades:  the  cheap  furniture  trade;  the 
ready-made  clothing  and  wholesale  boot  and  shoe  trades  ; 
rope  and  sack-making ;  rubber  work ;  fur- work  ;  paper 
and  cardboard  box-making;  and  envelope-making. 

Finally,  one  small  group  must  be  mentioned  in  whicli  the 
prevailing  conditions  are  exceptional,  since  in  these  cases 
the  position  of  London  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  it 
does  to  a  great  extent  provide  the  raw  material  needed. 
The  chief  illustrations  of  this  are  found  in  the  manufacture 
of  soap,  glue,  and  size  ;  it  is  also  largely  true  of  tanning 
and  leather  dressing,  and  o£  the  London  glass  trade,  in 
•which  old  broken  glass  is  almost  exclusively  used. 

What  we  have  said  will  serve  to  indicate  some  of  the 
salient  features  of  the  industrial  life  of  London  :  its  vitality 
and  variety ;  its  expansiveness  and  its  instability ;  its 
economic  attractiveness  and  the  fierce  play  upon  it  of 
a  wide-spread  competition  ;  the  strength  of  the  conflict 
within  its  own  borders ;  its  vigour  and  its  dependence. 
This  chapter  will  serve  as  an  introduction  to  the  study  of 
some  of  the  more  particular  phases  of  that  life :  the 
localization  of  its  trades ;  the  systems  of  production  under 
which  they  are  carried  on ;  the  characteristic  features  of 
the  labour  employed;  the  training  of  the  workers  and  the 
renewal  of  their  supply;  the  problem  of  associated  effort 
for  the  maintenance  alike  of  efficiency  and  peace;  and  the 
influences  that  make  for  regularity  or  irregularity  of 
employment. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE   LOCALIZATION   AND   DIFFUSION   OF   TRADES  IN  LONDON. 


In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  examined  some  of  the 
general  characteristics  of  London  as  an  industrial  centre. 
In  the  present  one  we  pass  to  the  more  special  question  of 
the  localization  or  diffusion  of  particular  trades,  and  ask 
why  it  is  that,  while  some  occupations  are  concentrated  in 
fairly  well-defined  areas,  others  are  scattered  throughout 
the  whole  Metropolis. 

It  must  be  noted  at  the  outset,  that  the  localization  of  a 
trade  does  not  involve  a  corresponding  localization  of  the 
homes  of  those  who  are  engaged  in  it.  On  the  contrary, 
place  oE  residence  and  place  of  work  are  steadily  becoming 
increasingly  independent  of,  and  even  remote  from,  each 
otlicr. 

AV^hile  the  most  striking  example  of  this  fact  is  afforded 
by  the  difference  between  the  day  and  night  census  of  the 
City — 301,384  as  compared  with  37,G94 — it  is  clear  that 
in  this  remarkable  divergence  we  have  only  a  conspicuous 
ilhistration  of  a  widespread  modern  tendency.  The  pro- 
bability that  the  City  banker  or  merchant  will  live  in  Kent 
or  Kensington,  and  the  City  clerk  in  Camberwell  or  Crouch 
End,  finds  its  counterpart  in  the  influences  and  facilities 
that  are  inducing  many  operatives  of  every  class  to  live  in 
the  outer  ring  of  London,  with  the  certainty  of  lower  rents 
and  the  hope  of  better  hygienic  conditions. 


THE  LOCALIZATION  AND  DIFFUSION  OF  TRADES.  97 

But,  wliilo  the  workers  scatter,  tlie  f;ict  of  economic 
localization  remains.  It  may,  indeed,  bo  argued  th.\t  in 
large  centres  of  population  it  will  l)ecome  a  more  con- 
spicuous feature,  for  while  the  migration  of  the  family 
remains  necessarily  difficnlt  and  costl}',  the  movement  of 
the  individual,  to  and  fro,  is  constantly  becoming  cheaper 
and  simpler.  The  advantages  of  localization  ai^o  thus 
secured  by  an  increasing  number  of  trades,  the  members 
of  which  may  play  and  sleep  many  miles  distant  from  the 
area  in  which  they  work,  and  the  individual  worker 
becomes,  to  an  increasing  extent,  the  relatively  mobile 
element  in  modern  industrial  life. 

The  localization  of  a  great  industry  tends  to  be  essen- 
tially organic  in  its  nature,  often  developing,  if  the  market 
supplied,  be  sufficiently  large  and  expansive,  a  great 
complexity  of  form,  and  illustrating  in  a  given  area  the 
same  interdependence  of  parts  that  national  and  even 
international  industries  illustrate,  in  other  aspects,  on  a 
larger  and  grander  scale. 

The  economic  advantages  of  localization  largely  consist 
in  grouping  around  the  main  processes  of  an  industry 
those  allied  and  subsidiary  trades  and  processes  which, 
combined  with  adequate  means  of  distribution,  go  to  secure 
the  maximum  of  aggregate  efficiency.  A  trade  atmosphere 
and  a  trade  environment  tend  also  to  secure  to  such  a 
locality  certain  advantages  in  training,  a  consideration  that 
has  a  heightened  importance  where  hereditary  aptitudes 
have  been  developed,  and  when  the  power  of  the  family 
and  of  the  family  tradition  in  the  trade  is  strong.  These 
advantages  may  in  certain  cases,  however,  be  counteracted 
by  the  mischievous  controlling  influence  that  is  not  infre- 
quently exercised  by  the  skilled  employees  of  such  localized 
trades  over  the  admission  of  new  members  and  over  the 
prevailing  standards  of  efficiency. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  examples  of  localization  that 
V  7 


0  >  SUEVEY  A  KD  CONCL  US  IONS. 

Lonclon  presents  is  that  existing  in  and  around  Fleet 
Street,  where  there  are  found  not  only  newspaj)er  offices 
and  printing  firms,  but  nearly  every  branch  of  allied 
service,  from  the  depot  of  the  type-founder  and  printing- 
machine  maker  to  advertising  and  wholesale  news  agencies ; 
the  whole  affording  a  conspicuous  instance  of  concentration 
and  development. 

Another  example,  with  less  striking  historical  associ- 
ations, is  found  in  the  East  London  furniture  trade. 
Localization  in  this  case  also  is  presented  in  a  highly 
organic  form,  the  component  parts  making  an  economic 
whole,  which,  for  the  production  of  certain  classes  of 
commodities,  is  of  unrivalled  efficiency.  This  group  of 
trades  illustrates  also  that  excessive  specialization  of  indi- 
vidual aptitudes  which,  under  certain  conditions,  tends  to 
accompany  division  of  labour. 

But,  although  the  foregoing  are  instances  of  highly 
developed  localization,  neither  those  mentioned,  nor  any 
other  trades  in  London,  present  it  in  such  an  excessive 
or  disproportionate  form  as  to  involve  for  London  as  an 
industrial  area  the  same  kind  of  economic  weakness  that 
excessive  specialization  involves  for  the  individual.  Prom 
tiiis  danger  London  is  saved  by  the  variety  of  its  industries. 

The  precise  localization  of  the  printing  and  furniture 
trades,  and  of  many  others  that  might  be  mentioned,  finds 
an  explanation,  not  in  any  inherent  advantages  possessed 
by  the  particular  areas  in  which  they  flourish,  but  rather 
■in  chance.  A  favourable  start  has  been  followed  by  a 
gradual  development,  adding  to  the  strength  of  the  trade 
and  securing,  in  an  increasing  degree,  the  advantages  of 
connection  and  efficiency  that  concentration  tends  to  ensure. 
In  the  absence  of  any  particular  unfitness,  the  locality 
gradually  acquires  a  special  suitability :  a  great  market  is 
established;  a  tradition  formed,  and  the  associations  of  a 
trade  dominate  and  give  character  to  a  whole  district. 

But  it  is  sometimes  possible   to   indicate   more  special 


rilE  LOCALIZATION  AND  DIFFUSION  OF  TRADES.        99 

exjilanatioiis  of  localization.  We  find,  for  instance,  the 
packing-cuHO  makers  in  the  City;  the  carriage  builders 
near  tlio  West  End ;  and  the  lieavy  van-builders  mainly  in 
East  and  South-East  London,  where  most  of  the  lieavy 
carting-  is  done — all  attracted  to  their  respective  districts 
by  the  wish  to  secure  the  advantages  of  nearness  to  an 
appropriate  market,  while  light  vans,  in  the  absence  of  any 
localizing  influence,  may  be  cited  as  an  instance  of  products 
that  are  made  in  almost  every  quarter.  Envelope  making, 
pushed  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Cannon  Street  by 
increasing  rents,  is  now  chiefly  located  in  Southwark,  still 
close  to  the  centre  of  business  correspondence  and  of"  export ; 
and,  as  instances  of  remoter  causation,  we  find  brush-making 
still  in  that  part  of  London  in  which  it  was  first  established 
when  the  materials  for  brooms  could  be  cut  from  the 
surrounding  marshes;  and  watch-makings  and  silk-weavincr 
in  the  neighbourhoods  of  Clerkenwell  and  Spitalfields  Avhere 
the  foreign  craftsmen  settled  long  ago  without  the  City 
walls.  The  grouping  on  the  outer  ring  of  London  of  manu- 
iactures,  such  as  of  soap  or  chemicals,  that  require,  relatively 
to  the  numbers  employed,  large  premises,  may  be  necessary 
in  conformity  to  municipal  regulations,  but  is  likewise 
explained  by  the  double  necessity  of  avoiding  high  rentals  and 
of  securing  the  easy  command  of  cheap  means  of  transport, 
and  the  importance  of  the  latter  consideration  in  many  trades 
is  further  illustrated  by  the  proximity  of  most  of  the  box- 
makers'  factories  to  the  London  canals.  With  riverside 
industries,  the  physical  conditions — that  is,  the  actual  facts 
of  the  water-way  and  the  docks — afford  the  main  explanation. 
These  industries  supply  by  far  the  greatest  instance  of 
localiza.tion.  And  the  importance  of  the  river  in  the  life  of 
London,  though  it  is  often  a  source  of  pride,  is  not  fully 
appreciated. 

Li  the  above  examples  one  or  more  of  the  following  special 
influences  has  been  mainly  operative  in  determining  localiza- 
tion :  proximity  to  an  appropriate  market;  accessibility  to 
suitable  means  of  transport;  variations  of  rent  in  different 

V  7* 


100  SUnVEY  AND  CONCLUSIOSS. 

parts  of  London  ;  and  physical  necessity.  In  every  instance 
the  supply  of  the  labour  required  has  been  assumed.  While, 
however,  in  many  of  the  above  cases  this  has  been  largely 
di-awn  from  outlying  districts,  in  another  group  of  trades  we 
find  that  localization  is  mainly  determined  by  the  neces- 
sity of  being  able  to  draw  upon  the  locality  itself  for  large 
Eupplies  of  low-paid  labour.  This  may,  indeed,  be  regarded 
as  the  proximate  cause  of  the  expansion  of  some  of  the 
most  distinctive  manufacturing  industries  of  East  and 
South  London — furniture,  boots  and  shoes,  caps,  clothing, 
paper  bags  and  cardboard  boxes,  matches,  jam,  &c.  In 
several  of  these  trades  female  labour  is  largely  employed, 
and  they  are  found,  therefore,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
districts  largely  occupied  by  "  unskilled "  or  semi-skilled 
■workmen,  or  by  those  whose  employment  is  most  discon- 
tinuous in  character,  since  it  is  chiefly  the  daughters,  wives, 
and  widows  of  these  men  who  turn  to  labour  of  this  kind. 

Outside  the  range  of  manufacture,  from  a  variety  of 
causes,  many  examples  of  localization  are  found  :  lawyers, 
for  instance,  naturally  gather  together  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Law  Courts,  and  doctors'  plates  are  frequent 
in  particular  streets  close  to  the  quarters  of  fashionable 
London;  engineering  firms  seem  to  be  taking  possession  of 
Queen  Victoria  Street,  and  bicycle  makers  of  Holborn 
Viaduct,  while  builders'  ironmongers,  the  modern  represen- 
tatives of  an  ancient  movement  of  '^ironmongers  from  Iron- 
mongers' Lane  and  Old  Jurie"*  are  still  found  in  Upper 
Thames  Street. 

In  the  City  itself  we  find  other  and  still  more  striking 
examples,  but  in  many  respects  the  position  of  the  City  is 
unique  as  the  centre  and  core  of  London.  The  Stock 
Exchange  and  Lloyds;  the  great  produce  centres  of  Mark 
and  Mincing  Lanes;  and  Paternoster  Row,  are  among  the 
many  important  examples,  all  with  their  appropriate 
•  Stow  :  Surveij  of  London,  1598  (Ed.  1832,  p.  31). 


THE  LOCALIZATION  AND  DIFFUSION  OF  TRADES.        101 

settincrs  of  offices,  warehouses  and  show-rooms  Avithin  the 
City.  Vnit  the  greatest  instance  of  all  is  found  in  the 
locah'zation  within  its  borders  of  the  banking  system  of 
the  Empire — of  Bagehot's  symbolic  "  Lombard  Street." 
In  this  we  have  an  instance  of  concentration  so  profoundly 
important  in  its  practical  bearings  and  so  penetrating  in 
its  effects,  that  even  the  chances  of  employment  of  the 
poorest  sempstress  or  casual  labourer  of  East  London  are 
connected,  by  a  chain  of  sequence  that  it  would  be  easy  to 
trace,  with  the  stability  of  a  few  associations  established 
almost  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  Bank  of  England. 

To  the  wide-spread  rule  of  concentration  retail  trade  is 
usually  an  exception,  for  the  retail  distributor  must  be 
ubiquitous  and  suited  in  every  case  to  his  more  immediate 
surroundings.  Thus  we  have  the  small  "  general  shop  "  of 
the  poor  back  street;  the  prosperous  glitter  and  exuberant 
show  of  the  main  thoroughfares  of  industrial  or  suburban 
districts;  the  substantial  establishments  of  the  City ;  and 
the  more  delicate  catering  of  Regent  Street  and  Piccadilly. 
'J'his  determination  of  the  character  of  the  shop  by  the 
character  of  its  neighbourhood  is  illustrated  in  every 
branch  of  distribution — drapers,  hosiers,  tailors,  hatters, 
milliners,  &c. — and  the  same  relationship  is  found  when 
manj'-  branches  are  combined  in  a  single  undertaking,  as 
in  large  stores.*  Shops,  however,  are  but  the  industrial 
garniture  of  cities.  Sometimes,  in  quite  exceptional  cases, 
they  may  indicate  forms  of  local  productive  activity,  but  in 

*  The  influence  of  the  residential  neighbourhood  is  reflected  in  many 
other  directions— in,  for  instance,  lodging-houses,  hotels  and  public-houses, 
and  in  the  distribution  of  members  of  the  medical  profession  if  general 
practitioners.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  City  is  in  this,  as  in  so  many 
other  respects,  exceptional ;  its  retail  shops — tailors,  boot-makers,  hatters, 
jewellers,  restaurants,  &c. — reflecting  the  demands,  not  of  its  residents,  but 
of  its  immense  day  population.  Certain  streets  and  particular  firms  that  have 
established  a  special  reputation  are,  in  a  somewhat  analogous  way,  exceptional 
to  the  extent  to  which  they  are  able  to  attract  a  demand  from  those  livirkg 
in  other  parts. 


102 


SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 


no  trade  can  tliey  be  assumed  to  do  so.  Boots,  clotlies, 
and  furnitaro,  for  instance,  sold  in  West  London  shops  are 
not  infrequently  the  products  of  East  London  industry. 


The  local  variations  in  the  quality  alike  of  the  products 
and  of  the  laboiu*  of  the  same  trade  must  be  mentioned 
in  conclusion.  Though  there  are  numerous  exceptions, 
and  though  the  greater  cheapness  of  the  commodity 
does  not  always  indicate  a  lower  average  of  remuneration 
for  the  operative,  yet  in  many  important  trades,  the 
general  rule  holds  that  the  condition  of  the  worker  tends 
to  vary  with  the  character  and  quality  of  the  product. 
Owing  to  the  higher  standard  of  excellence  required, 
those  who  produce  more  directly  and  more  exclusively 
for  the  wealthier  classes  of  the  community  are  likely  to 
pay  or  receive  a  higher  rate  of  wages  than  those  who 
produce  for  a  poorer,  more  mixed,  or  more  distant  mai'ket. 

The  effects  of  this  general  rule  miglit  be  illustrated  in 
several  ways,  but  they  are,  perhaps,  sufficiently  reflected  in 
the  comparison  of  the  social  condition  of  the  members  of 
the  trades  mentioned  in  the  following  table,  of  the  con- 
trasts shown  in  which,  however,  they  by  no  means  afford 
the  sole  explanation  : — * 

Percentage  of  crowded  and  not   crowded  in  certain  trades 
in  East  and  West  London. 


Tailors. 

Boot  &  Shoe 
Makers. 

Cabixet 

Makeks. 

Hat  and  Cap 

Makers. 

DiSTKICTS. 

if 

2 
o 

c  is 

i 

6 

0 

A 

East  London    

West 

28" 

47* 

72 

:j3 

44 
07 

.55 

84 

45 

m 

48 

22t 

52 

78t 

All  London 

3'Ji 

GOJ 

44i 

Ml 

45 

55 

29 

71 

•  See  Comparisons :  I.  Crowdinrj  and  Aj)parent  PovcrVj.     p.  4. 
f  Including  North  London, 


THE  LOCALIZATION  AND  DIFFUSION  OF  TRADES.        103 

In  the  following  chapter  the  manufacturing  industries 
of  London  will  be  considered  with  special  reference  to  tho 
system  of  production  followed.  The  question  of  localization 
thus  falls  somewhat  into  the  background,  but  its  effects  on 
both  system  of  work  and  condition  of  worker,  especially  as 
regards  the  nature  of  the  market,  the  efficiency  of  the 
individual,  and  the  specialization  of  individual  skill,  will  bo 
found  to  be  of  marked  importance  in  certain  trades. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

LAEGE   AND   SMALL   SYSTEMS   OF   PRODUCTION   AND 

EMPLOYMENT. 


To  some  extent  the  system  of  production  followed  in 
a  particular  industry  is  determined  by  its  general  charac- 
ter— by  the  nature  of  the  material  upon  which  labour 
is  employed ;  by  the  number  of  successive  or  concurrent 
processes  required  to  yield  the  final  product;  by  the 
degree  in  which  direct  control  of  labour  is  called  for  and 
opportunities  exist  for  its  advantageous  direction ;  by 
the  size  of  the  market  supplied ;  and  by  the  extent 
to  which  machinery,  mechanical  appliances,  and  special 
plant  can  be  utilized.  But,  although  such  considera- 
tions may  suggest  the  system  under  which  any  particular 
industry  is  likely  to  be  carried  on,  they  cannot  be  relied  on 
to  tell  us  definitely  what  it  will  actually  be.  The  method 
of  production  may  be  partially  determined  by  local  and 
non-essential  conditions.  And  the  chai-acter  of  the  work 
may  itself  change. 

In  London,  all  systems  arc  found.  There  are  "works," 
where,  in  addition  to  machinery  and  an  extensive  plant, 
much  subsidiary  labour  is  employed  on  purely  manual 
processes;  factories  of  which  the  characteristic  features  are 
the  application  of  ^' power"  and  the  association  of  human 
labour  with  mechanical  appliances;  and  workshops,  large 
and  small,  down  to  the  room  of  the  isolated  home-worker. 

Thus,  wo  find  chemical  works,  soapworks,  dyeworks, 
engineering  works,  &c.,  representing  trades  in  which  the 
large  system  has  conquered,  and  in  which,  therefore,  such 
questions  as  the  multiplication  of  the  small  workshop  and 
the  position  of  the  home-worker  have  no  place;   while  in 


SYSTEMS   OF  PRODUCTION  AND   EMPLOYMENT.  105 

jam-makiug,  candle-making,  rubber  manufacture,  railway 
carriage  building,  cloth  letterpress  binding,  envelope 
making,  and  printing  wo  find  the  factory  system  also 
adopted,  though  in  very  different  forms,  both  as  regards 
scale  of  operations  and  conditions  of  employment. 

In  other  trades,  the  conflict  of  rival  systems  is  more 
conspicuously  exemplified,  but  we  see  the  tendency  of  the 
factory  system  to  prevail  when  machinery  can  be  profitably 
employed,  as  in  scientific  and  electrical  instrument  making, 
watch-making,  rope-making,  tin-canister  making,  and  in 
some  branches  of  the  pottery  trades,  where  "the  advantage 
is  with  the  largo  maker  who  can  use  steam  power,^'  and  it 
is  so  even  in  the  sack  and  tarpaulin  trade,  in  which,  from 
a  combination  of  causes,  work  is  tending  to  be  concen- 
trated in  the  factories. 

Others  again  are  on  the  border-line.  In  brusli-making, 
for  instance,  since  but  little  machinery  is  used,  and  there 
are  several  convenient  stages  in  production,  the  lighter 
branches  of  the  trade  are  most  frequently  carried  on  in  the 
home;  while,  in  the  heavier  branches,  in  which  not  only 
can  the  subdivision  of  the  work  be  pushed  further,  but  in 
which  machinery  can  be  more  extensively  used,  the  factory 
system  is  gaining  ground.  It  may  be  further  noted  that 
much  of  the  polishing — an  independent  and  final  process 
done  by  hand — still  remains  a  home  employment  in  both 
branches  of  this  trade. 

In  a  certain  number  of  cases,  even  though  little  or 
no  machinery  be  employed,  the  general  character  of  the 
trade  tends  to  fix  it  in  the  workshop.  This  may  be 
due  to  certain  qualities  of  the  material  used,  such  as  its 
great  value,  dangerous  character,  or  bulkiness,  or  to  the 
economies  secured  by  concentration  of  management  and 
subdivision  of  labour.  Instances  are  found  in  silver- 
smiths' and  jewellers'  work ;  in  gold-beating ;  in  the 
manufacture  of  drugs;  in  private  carriage  building;  in 
some    sections   of   the    clothing   and   many  of    the   wood- 


lOG  SUnVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

■Nvorking  trades.  And  here,  again,  some  industries — well 
illustrated  in  clothing  and  wood-working,  in  whicli  the 
dittereut  systems  compete  for  mastery — still  rest  on  the 
border-line.  In  such  trades  the  greatest  practical  interest 
of  the  moment  is  found,  because  it  is  by  them  that  some 
of  the  gravest  problems  are  presented. 

It  appears,  then,  that  every  system  has  its  field,  and 
that  none  can  be  pronounced  good  or  bad  in  itself,  either 
on  social  or  on  economic  grounds,  the  real  satisfactoriness 
or  the  reverse  of  the  conditions  of  employment  turning 
on  a  much  wider  rang^e  of  economic  considerations  than 
on  size  of  the  working  unit,  or  on  system  of  production. 
The  variations  in  size  have,  however,  a  real  importance, 
even  though  we  are  unable  to  draw  an  exact  line  of 
demarcation  between  what  is  meant  by  "large"  and 
*' small."  The  application  of  the  qualifying  term  varies 
between  trade  and  trade,  and  in  most  cases  large  under- 
takings shade  down  by  imperceptible  degrees  to  small,  so 
that  exact  classification  from  this  point  of  view  becomes 
entirely  arbitrary.  In  a  general  comparison,  however, 
of  the  larger  system,  be  it  in  the  shape  of  factory  or 
workshop,  with  the  small,  it  would  seem  that  the 
balance  of  general  advantage  rests  with  the  former. 
On  the  economic  side  it  affords  greater  opportunities  for 
using  improvements  in  methods  of  production  ;  either  by  the 
introduction  of  machinery  and  the  application  of  scientific 
methods,  or  by  the  more  effective  subdivision  of  labour. 
It  secures  advantage  in  the  employment  of  many  forms  of 
useful  subsidiary  service,  such  as  clerical  staff,  door-keepers, 
&c. ;  and  it  makes  greater  enterprise  and  bolder  initiative 
possible.  The  social  advantages  of  the  large  system  are  : — 
Better  sanitary  and  hygienic  conditions  of  employment; 
fuller  puljlicity;  completer  registration;  and  more  regular 
inspection.  And  on  both  social  and  economic  grounds  it 
has  the  two-fold  advantage  of  tending  to  secure  increased 


SYSTEMS   OF  PRODUCTION  AND  EMPLOYMENT.  107 

regulai'ity  of  employment  and  greater  uniformity  withia 
eacli  trade  as  regards  rates  of  pay  and  hours  of  work. 
By  this  the  organization  of  labour  is  made  more  easy 
on  the  part  of  the  men,  Avhile  the  employer  secures  a  more 
certain  basis  on  which  to  prepare  estimates  and  enter 
into  contrMcts — advantages  which  should  tend  to  make 
employment  more  steady,  and  minimize  the  evils  of  insensate 
competition. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out  in 
Chapter  I.,  small  establishments  are  more  elastic,  respond- 
ing more  quickly  to  the  needs  of  the  hour,  or  perishing 
with  less  disturbance  if  they  fail  to  respond.  They  can 
rest  their  action  on  a  closer  personal  touch  between  masters 
and  men  and  between  producer  and  consumer,  and  in  these 
ways  balance  to  some  extent  the  great  economies  and  advan- 
tages of  the  larger  system.  The  result  of  this  is  seen  in 
the  vigorous  vitality  of  the  small  system  in  a  large  number 
of  London  trades.  It  must  be  admitted  in  addition  thafc 
for  many  trades  small  workshops  offer  the  only  eflBcieut 
training  school. 

The  extent  to  which  greater  regularity  of  employment 
will  be  secured  by  the  large  system  depends  on  the  amounfc 
of  working  capital  and,  in  particular  on  the  proportion  of  ib 
that  is  fixed,  especially  of  such  capital  as  depreciates  in 
value  by  disuse ;  but  perhaps  still  more  on  the  extent 
to  which  the  character  of  the  trade  makes  it  possible 
to  work  for  "  stock  "  in  slack  times.  The  whole  question 
of  machinery  and  its  eflects  on  employment  is  involved 
in  this  argument. 

The  introduction  of  macliinery  in  any  trade  may  lead 
gradually  to  a  complete  change  of  process,  converting,  it 
may  be,  a  home  industry  into  one  that  is  mainly  carried  on 
in  the  factory.  Such  a  change  tends,  as  a  rule,  to  weaken 
the  London  position,  on  account  of  increased  rental  charges, 
and  may  even  result  in  moving  the  trade  so  affected  to 
provincial  centres.     The  boot  and  shoe  trade,  in  some  of 


lOS  SUEVFA'  AND   CONCLVSIOXS. 

its  brancbes,  illustrates  the  operation  of  this  tendency.* 
And,  generally,  it  may  be  stated  that  transitions  to  the 
factory  system  are  unfavourable  to  London,  except, 
perhaps,  when  the  factory  is  content  to  supply  the  parts 
or  the  prepared  materials  used  by  the  individual  worker  or 
small  workshop,  as  is  done  by  the  sawmills  in  the  furniture 
trades;  or  when  much  of  the  labour  appropriate  to  the 
machinery  used  is  low-paid  and  abundant,  as  is  that 
required  in  the  tin-canister  and  wire-rope  factories.  The 
effects  of  the  extended  use  of  machinery  on  London 
industry  are,  however,  determined  largely  by  the  ways  in 
which  it  alters  the  relationship  between  the  various  items 
that  make  up  the  total  expenses  of  production. 

Thus  since  the  introduction  of  machinery  diminishes  the 
extent  to  which  wages  enter  as  an  element  of  the  expenses 
of  production,  this  altered  relationship  may,  under  certain 
conditions,  help  to  strengthen  the  position  of  the  London 
trade.  In  those  cases,  for  instance,  in  which  the  relative 
positions  of  the  Loudon  and  provincial  employer  turn 
largely,  not  on  differences  of  system,  but  on  differences  in 
rates  of  wages  paid,  a  previously  adverse  position  may 
even  be  turned  in  favour  of  London  by  tlie  increased 
economy  in  production  secured  by  the  more  effective 
use  of  machinery.  Some  branches  of  printing  are  instances 
of  trades  so  circumstanced. 

Or,  again,  it  sometimes  happens  that  bold  expenditure 
and  the  extensive  introduction  of  machinery  may  even 
re-habilitate  a  London  industry,  the  additional  strength  in 
competition  far  outweighing  such  normally  adverse  London 
conditions  as  high  rental  charges.  Instances  of  this  are 
seen  in  the  case  of  gutta-percha  stopper  making,  in  which 
the    importation    of    the    German    hand-made    article    has 

•  The  temporary  character  of  the  effects  of  the  strike  of  1800  in  this 
trade  is  probably  to  a  great  extent  due  to  the  economic  difliculty  of  hi<,'h 
rents  that  the  provision  of  the  workshops  asked  for  would  have  involved.  {By 
a  mistake  in  \o\.  III.,  page  21,  it  was  stated  that  no  strike  had  occurred.) 


SYSTEMS   OF  PliODUCTION  AND   EMPLOYMENT.         100 

been  almost  completely  arrested  by  the  equipment  of  a 
London  factory ;  and  in  that  of  dyeing,  in  which  much 
of  the  trade  is  being  recovered  from  the  Provinces, 
where  the  advantage  had  consisted  mainly  in  having  been 
beforehand  iu  the  application  of  machiueiy  and  scientific 
methods. 

The  extending  use  of  machinery  has  resulted  in  an 
enormous  gain  to  the  community  as  a  whole,  and  Avill 
doubtless  continue  to  do  so,  yet  iu  certain  cases  and  in 
individual  trades  some  of  the  most  painful  problems  of 
modern  industrial  life  are  due  to  the  difficulty  and  hardship 
arising  from  the  dislocation  that  has  followed  on  its  appli- 
cation. The  way  in  which  mechanical  aids  in  production 
affect  the  character  of  labour — diminishing  or  increasing 
individual  efficiency  and  altering  the  elements  of  efficiency 
itself — must  also  be  noted,  as  well  as  the  effect  of  large  as 
compared  with  small  methods  of  work  on  the  position  of 
the  individual  worker. 

The  more  impersonal  relationship  between  employers 
and  employed  under  the  large  system  is  apt  to  introduce 
a  sharper  division  of  duties.  The  routine  ;  the  disciplinary 
regulations  ;  as  well  as  the  actual  numbers  employed,  serve, 
undoid)tedly,  to  prevent  the  heads  of  large  firms  from 
having  much  personal  contact  with  the  members  of  their 
staff,  and  this  is  especially  true  of  occupations  in  which 
employment  is  normally  discontinuous,  as  it  is  in  most 
branches  of  the  building  trade.  It  must,  however,  be  said 
that  the  character  of  the  relationship  existing  between  em- 
ployers and  employed  is  much  more  important  than  its 
closeness ;  that  it  is  far  more  essential  that  the  prevailing 
tone  should  be  friendly  than  that  intercourse  should  be 
intimate  or  frequent;  and  that  much  may  be  done  to  show 
consideration  and  forethought  that  will  demonstrate  the 
care  and  goodwill  of  employers  to  all  in  their  service,  even 
though   they  be  known  personally  to  but  a  few.     On   the 


IIU  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

other  hand,  there  is  a  certain  element  of  danger  in  the 
exchisive  control  of  labour  by  subordinates,  owini^  partly  to 
the  diminished  sense  of  moral  responsibility  that  they  are 
likely  to  feel,  A  man  will  often  impose  a  condition  or  exact 
a  return  for  another  that  he  would  refrain  from,  if  acting 
■directly  for  himself.  Large  business  corporations  tend 
to  have  no  conscience,  and  this  non-moral  relationship  is 
undoubtedly  more  apt  to  prevail  in  the  case  of  manage- 
ment by  deputy  than  by  the  actual  employer.  But 
it  is  only  a  danger,  and  is  in  no  sense  a  condition  of  the 
large  system  of  employment.  Statements,  therefore,  which, 
referring  to  the  factoiy  system,  describe  the  man  as  the 
slave  of  the  machine,  and  the  manager  or  foreman  as  a 
universal  tyrant  are  in  need  of  many  qualifications. 

Under  present  conditions,  moreover,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  regular  association  with  a  large  and  firmly  established 
business  undertaking,  even  though  it  be  under  exacting 
conditions  and  for  small  pay,  may  compare  not  unfavour- 
ably with  the  position  of  many  independent  home-workers. 
Perhaps  no  industrial  lot  is  more  sad  than  that  of  the 
solitary  worker,  making  for  an  uncertain  and  unknown 
unarket — his  only  master  the  need  to  live.  Both  conditions 
are  forms  of  industrial  servitude,  and  both  involve  certain 
evils,  but  the  latter  is  on  the  whole  the  less  desirable. 

Tliere  is  no  necessary  fixity  in  the  system  followed  by 
the  individual  worker.  The  home-worker,  for  instance,  is 
the  potential  occupier  of  a  small  workshop ;  and  any  small 
workshop  may  become,  if  management  be  successful  and 
conditions  favourable,  a  large  centre  of  employment.  There 
is  a  tendency  in  most  trades  towards  such  a  change  in 
industrial  status,  and  in  these  cases  fixity  is  probably 
a  .sign  of  economic  weakness.  We  are  led  to  ask,  therefore, 
why  the  small  system,  in  (nio  or  more  of  its  various  forms, 
persistently  prevails  in  certain  trades  to  so  large  an  extent  ? 

Although    in    cousidcriug    this    question    no    very    close 


SYSTEMS   OF  FIIODUCTION  AND   EMPLOYMENT.         Ill 

analysis  of  those  working  under  the  small  system  ia 
necessary,  the  four  following  component  classes  must  be 
distinguished  : — 

(1)  The  small  maker,  who  employs  labour,  and,  either  in 
his  own  home  or  in  a  workshop,  produces  commodities 
made  from  his  own  material. 

(2)  The  master  man  who  employs  labour  as  above,  but 
on  material  supplied  either  by  some  superior  employing 
firm  or  by  some  intermediary. 

(3)  The  home-maker^  who  works  by  himself  on  his  own 
material. 

(4)  The  home-worker,  who  works  by  himself  on  material 
supplied  as  in  No.  2. 

The  chief  motive  that  leads  to  the  multiplication  of 
the  small  employers  of  both  the  above  classes,  Nos.  1  and 
2,  and  of  the  home-maker.  No.  3,  is  the  greater  freedom 
and  independence  that  these  changes  of  status  secure — or 
are  expected  to  secure.  Closely  allied  to  this  is  the  motive 
of  hope  that  springs  from  possibilities.  As  a  wage-earner 
the  range  of  earnings  is  fixed  to  within  at  least  a  few 
shillings  per  week,  but  as  an  employer  there  is  no  such 
narrow  limit.  Profits  may  be  added  to  remuneration  for 
labour  expended,  and,  if  success  attend  effort,  a  large 
income  and  complete  change  of  social  position  may  in  time 
result.  The  hopeful  attractiveness  of  these  chances  is 
often  not  exhausted  until  there  have  been  many  attempts 
and  many  failures. 

In  the  case  of  home-makers  and  home-workers  the  motive 
of  independence  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  con- 
venience, especially  in  the  case  of  women  with  household 
duties    to   perform.*     The    preference    for    home-work   is 

*  It  may  be  observed  that  this  form  of  convenience,  which  is  mainly  the 
free  selection  of  the  working  hours,  is  not  incompatible  with  workshop  and 
even  factory  employment  where  little  machinery  is  used,  and  payment  is  by 
the  piece.  An  example  of  this  is  seen  in  the  hatters'  furriers.  The  factories 
are  opened  at  a  fixed  hour  in  the  morning,  but  the  women  come  in  when 
they  like,  the  work  being  given  out  over-night. 


112  SUnVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

frequently  strengthened  by  tlie  ability  to  requisition  tlie 
services  of  other  members  of  the  family.  When  this  is 
the  case  the  domestic  Avorkshop  springs  into  existence,  and 
we  have  industries,  as  in  some  branches  of  the  furrier's 
trade,  where  the  family  may  almost  bo  regarded  as  the 
working  unit. 

The  attractiveness  of  what  are  termed  "  supplementary 
earnings  "  must  also  be  mentioned  as  a  motive  explaining 
the  prevalence  of  many  forms  of  home  employment. 
"Women  as  a  rule  are  supplementaiy  wage-earners,  in  the 
sense  of  not  providing  a  full  maintenance,  and  although 
many  are  obliged  to  continue  work  even  when  married, 
there  is  a  large  amount  of  quasi-voluntary  employment, 
especially  among  those  who  can  work  at  home.  The 
"few  shillings  earned  in  this  way  may,  unless  they  sap 
the  ener"'ies  of  the  husband  and  decrease  his  contribution 

O 

to  the  common  purse,  add  much  to  the  pleasures  of  life 
in  the  case  of  the  individual  family.  But  it  is  this  form 
of  employment  that  to  no  inconsiderable  extent  intensifies 
the  competition  among  those  who  are  entirely  dependent 
upon  their  own  exertions,  and  may  have  others  to  support. 

Something  akin  to  despair  may,  on  the  other  hand,  be 
the  actuating  motive,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  "  home- 
ir.aker.''  If,  when  direct  employment  cannot  be  obtained, 
a  few  shillings  can  be  raised  to  buy  the  necessary  materials, 
and  if  tools  have  not  been  pawned,  men  turn  to  making 
things  at  home,  trusting  to  a  sale  of  their  product  in 
whatever  market  is  open  to  them  at  the  week's  end. 

And,  finally,  a  love  of  freedom,  perhaps  perverted, 
explains  the  existence  of  many  of  the  same  class.  These 
are  men  who  are  smart  and  unsteady,  who  work  in  rushes, 
and  who, — at  times  working  at  home  with  feverish  energy 
through  days  of  abnormal  length,  and,  at  others  perhaps, 
taking  a  spell  with  some  employer  who  will  put  up  with 
their  irregularities  for  the  sake  of  their  cleverness — will, 
later    on,    drop    out    from    both    ranks    till    the    money 


SYSTEMS  OF  PIWDUCTION  AND   EMPLOYMENT.  113 

they  have  earned  is  all  spent.  The  mode  of  life  of  such 
men  is  necessarily  harmful,  and  those  of  them  who  make  and 
sell  in  any  open  market  that  offers  generally  do  so  as  weak 
competitors,  becoming  centres  of  undercutting  and  of  dis- 
oi'ganization  in  the  trade  to  which  they  belong. 

Of  the  economic  conditions  that  favour  the  small  system 
of  production,  the  most  important  is  the  possibility  of 
starting  with  very  little  capital.  In  the  cases  of  the 
small  master  man  or  the  home-worker  (Nos.  2  and  4)  who 
may  wish  to  extend  their  operations,  or  of  the  wage-earner 
wishing  to  start  in  one  of  these  capacities,  the  ability  to 
give  or  procure  a  guarantee  against  loss  or  misappropriation 
of  material  committed  to  their  care  will  be  the  main 
requirement.  The  expenses  of  industry  will  under  these 
circumstances  be  small,  and  capital  will  be  only  necessary 
for  this  indii'ect  and  reserved  use.  But  in  the  case  of  the 
small  independent  employer  and  the  home-maker  (Nos.  1 
and  3)  the  command  of  some  capital  for  the  purchase  of 
the  material  used  will  be  necessary. 

When  only  a  very  little  initial  capital  is  required  in  order 
to  commence  business  "on  one's  own  account,"  the  conditions 
are  apt  to  be  altogether  too  favourable  to  the  multiplication 
of  the  small  man.  The  cabinet-maker,  for  instance,  can  start 
operations,  albeit  inadequately  and  insecurely,  with  only 
£2  or  £3  in  hand,  and  in  the  case  of  fish  curers,  makers  of 
cheap  magic-lanterns  and  toys,  of  sweet  stuffs,  ginger  beer 
and  many  other  things,  an  even  smaller  capital  will  suffice. 

Other  determining  circumstances  are  found  in  the  nature 
of  the  market.  If,  in  a  trade  in  which  little  capital  is 
required,  the  market  be  large,  the  demand  fairly  constant, 
and  the  buyers  easily  accessible,  and  if  the  practice  of  the 
market  be  to  buy,  either  on  order,  or  from  chance  pro- 
ducers offering  for  cash,  then  in  that  market  will  the 
small  producer  find  his  opportunity.  By  far  the  most 
important  of  such  markets  are  Avholesale,  that  is,  when  tb? 
V  8 


114  SUnVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

small  maker  produces  "  for  the  trade/'  and  not  for  sale 
direct  to  the  consumer.  But  it  may  be  noted  that  the  know- 
ledo-o  possessed  by  the  small  maker  "  to  the  trade "  that 
enables  him  to  ^et  a  footing,  not  infrequently  involves  the 
somewhat  unscrupulous  use  of  information  obtained  as 
a  wage-earner.  Thus  we  are  told  that  in  the  wire-workers* 
trade  the  garret-masters  frequently  approach  customers  of 
the  firm  they  had  previously  worked  for,  and  offer  goods  at 
a  considerably  lower  price.  In  this  way  either  tlie  order 
is  obtained,  or,  after  tlie  customer  has  informed  tlie  firm  of 
the  lower  price  at  wliich  he  can  secure  what  he  wants,  tlie 
firm  iu  its  turn  tells  the  workmen  of  the  new  competition, 
and  prices  and  wages  tend  downwards  all  round.  This 
operation  is  said  to  be  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the 
continued  reduction  in  tlie  prices  of  "  repeated "  orders. 
Then  if  the  small  man  does  not  succeed  on  his  OAvn  account, 
lie,  to  quote  from  our  notes  of  evidence  of  a  wire-worker 
(wage-earner),  "again  seeks  employment,  cursing  the 
bad  pay  and  every  bad  condition  for  which  he  and  his 
class  are  chiefly  responsible." 

A  large  retail  market  may  serve  as  well  as  a  wholesale 
one  when  the  commodity  offered  is  something  that  meets 
a  large  and  undiscriminating  demand;  when  the  worth 
of  the  guarantee  of  the  seller  can  be  easily  estimated  by 
the  chance  consumer,  or  when  the  ^xchange  value  of  the 
article  is  so  small  as  to  make  its  intrinsic  merits  a  con- 
sideration of  secondary  importance;  and  especially  when 
the  commodity  is  portable.  Under  these  conditions  the 
hawking  of  goods  in  the  streets,  or  from  house  to  house, 
tends  to  prevail,  and  hawked  goods  in  London,  outside  the 
range  of  eatables,  are  to  a  great  extent  the  product  of  the 
small  workshop  or  the  home.  Instances  of  this  are  found 
in  some  of  the  poorest  branches  of  the  cabinet-making 
trade;  in  some  wire-work  goods  {e.g.  toasting  forks);  in 
light  tin-plated  goods;  in  cheap  basket  and  brush  work; 
and  ill  firewood. 


SY.rrEMS   OF  rnODUCTION  and   EMrLOYMEXr.  ll.j 

The  dissimilarity  as  regards  well  being  tliat  is  constantly- 
found  to  bo  compatible  with  similarity  of  industrial  form 
emphasizes  the  fact  that  no  system  of  production  whatever 
can  rightly  be  regarded  as  good  or  bad  in  itself,  either  on 
social  or  economic  grounds.  We  have  seen  that  the  form 
is  the  result  of  many  influences,  and  that  it  is  frequently 
transitional  in  character.  It  will  bo  therefore  upon  the 
presence  or  absence  of  certain  particular  conditions,  inde- 
pendent alike  of  system,  place  of  work,  and  size  of  unit, 
that  ethical  as  well  as  economic  judgment  must  be  based. 

In  the  cases  of  the  small  practical  retail  saddler,  "  one  of 
the  few  surviving  illustrations  of  the  mediasval  workshop;" 
in  the  small  master  mnn  of  the  London  cutlery  trade ;  in 
the  "  chamber  masters  "  of  the  surgical  instrument  trade  ; 
in  the  watch-makers  of  Clerkenwell ;  in  many  of  the  work- 
shops of  the  wholesale  tailoring  trade ;  and  in  some  of  the 
workrooms  of  the  journeyman  tailors  who  execute  at  home 
the  best  "  bespoke  "  work,  we  have  illustrations  of  the  fact 
that  the  "small  system"  in  its  various  phases  is  compatible 
with  favourable  conditions  of  work  and  of  employment. 

It  is,  indeed,  the  quality  of  the  labour  required,  con- 
sidered in  relation  to  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
demand  makes  itself  felt,  that  determines  whether  the 
conditions  are  satisfactory  or  the  reverse.  In  a  young 
settlement,  for  instance,  a  sempstress  working  in  her 
wooden  shanty  might  economically  be  the  most  enviable 
person  in  the  whole  community.  But  in  London  the  reverse 
is  the  case  ;  for  in  such  a  trade,  in  which  no  great  skill  is 
required,  and  the  work  can  be  done  at  home,  there  are  too 
many  women  available.  Competition  therefore  is  excessive 
and  conditions  hard.  But  it  is  upon  the  conditions  and  not 
the  system  that  attention  should  be  focusscd.  If  it  be 
found  that  the  conditions  are  necessarily  permanent,  and 
that,  when  associated  with  a  particular  system,  they  are 
harmful,  then  the  system  can  be  logically  condemned. 
But  not  otherwise.  And  this  necessary  permanency  is 
V  '  8  ^ 


115  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

liarcl  to  prove.  It  is  even  difficult  to  show  that  the 
disadvantages  which  we  are  apt  to  associate  with  this  or 
that  system  have  any  connection  with  it. 

The  small  system  of  production  may,  for  instance,  bo 
accompanied  by  many  of  the  advantages  of  enterprise  and 
initiative  that  might  seem  to  be  obtainable  onl}^  with  large 
lirms  controlling  large  capital.  These  very  advantages  are, 
however,  often  supplied  to  it  by  a  body  of  non-manufactur- 
ing middle-men,  who,  replacing  one  of  the  functions  of  the 
large  employer,  tend  to  multiply  the  small  maker,  affording 
him  some  guarantee  of  continuous  employment,  and  pro- 
viding his  market.  The  general  efficiency  of  productive 
energy  is,  under  such  conditions,  determined  iii  great 
measure  by  the  effectiveness  and  completeness  of  the 
machinery  of  distribution. 

We  see,  on  the  other  hand,  that  excessive  specialization  of 
skill  and  consequent  loss  of  industrial  independence  are  in 
no  sense  exclusively  connected  with,  perhaps  even  not 
found  in  their  extremist  forms  in,  the  large  system  of  pro- 
duction, with  which  they  are  most  popularly  associated. 
They  are  in  fact  often  determined_,  not  so  much  by  the 
size  of  the  individual  centre  of  employment,  as  by  the 
number  of  branches  into  which  a  trade  may  be  sub- 
divided. The  highly  organized  development,  therefore,  of 
an  industry  in  any  locality,  even  if  the  characteristic 
features  be  the  small  and  the  smallest  system  of  production, 
may  thus  be  followed  by  all  the  evils  of  labour  that  is  over- 
specialized,  and  therefore  incapable,  as  regards  each 
individual  operative,  of  the  adaptation  that  changing 
conditions  may  demand. 

And  so  also  with  that  form  of  sub-contract  which  is  most 
likely  to  be  accompanied  by  '^sweating" — when  neither 
plant  is  owned  nor  material  supplied  by  the  "  sub-con- 
tractor," and  when  labour  alone  is  his  source  of  profit — this 
also  has  no  necessary  connection  with  any  particular  method 
of  production — large  or  small.    In  the  large  cabinet  maker's 


SYSTFJIS    OF  PRODUCTION  AXD   EMPLOYMENT.  117 

shop,  for  instance,  we  may  find  the  skilled  operative  working 
with  an  assistant  ''greener,"  or  the  French  polisher,  as 
a  piece-master,  taking  on  and  paying  his  own  men ;  in 
the  carriage  building  trade  wo  see  the  *'  leading  hand,'* 
having  accepted  woi-k  "  at  a  price,"  making  his  own  terms 
with  others  whom  he  himself  oraploys  and  pays ;  in 
some  pianoforte  factories  wo  still  find  the  different  parts  of 
the  work  given  to  contractors  who  make  their  own  bargains 
with  men  whom  they  independently  employ,  and  a  similar 
practice  is  even  more  prevalent  in  the  light  leather  factories 
of  Bermondsey.  In  some  sections  of  the  saddlers'  trade  the 
same  relationship  is  found  on  a  smaller  scale  and  on  perhaps 
more  favourable  conditions  ;  and  the  Boiler  Makers'  Society 
has  been  not  altogether  inaptly  described  as  a  union  of 
small  employers. 

In  comparing  the  large  system  with  the  small,  however, 
we  are  led  to  the  general  conclusion  that,  ceteris  paribus, 
the  small  employer  tends  to  impose  harder  conditions 
upon  his  workers,  even  though  they  be  more  irregularly 
enforced,  than  does  the  large  employer.  And  some  of  the 
reasons  for  this  are  not  far  to  seek.  One  of  the  most 
important  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  small  master  often 
works  himself  at  his  own  trade,  and,  working  for  his  own 
hand,  is  apt  to  measure  against  his  own  eagerness  the 
response  of  others  whose  interest  in  the  total  output  cannot 
be  so  great  as  his  own.  He  often  maintains  a  very  friendly 
relationship  with  the  few  workers  round  him,  but  his 
capital  is  small,  his  business  interest  is  concentrated,  and 
his  employees  consequently  become,  in  a  more  intensified 
form  than  in  the  case  of  a  largo  employer  with  a  wider 
field  of  operations  to  divert  attention,  the  human 
instruments  of  production  out  of  whose  energy  his  profits 
most  directly  and  most  obviously  come.  And  the  strength 
of  his  interest  in  their  labour  is  reflected  in  the  force  and 
the  strenuousness  of  his  control. 

But  it  must  also  be  remembered  that,  although  the  small 


113  SURVEY  ASD   COXCLUSIONS. 

employer  may  more  often  "  drive/'  lie  is  also  himself  more 
often  driven — is  ofteu,  indeed,  not  so  free  an  economic 
agent  as  those  over  whom,  so  long  as  they  work  for  him,  he 
rules.  His  responsibilities  are  greater,  and  he  is  subject,  in 
many  wa3's  from  which  the  wage-earner  is  comparatively 
free,  to  the  conditions  of  the  market  for  which  he  works. 

We  are,  however,  led  again  by  a  wider  survey  to  the 
conclusion  arrived  at  in  an  earlier  chapter*  that  the  con- 
ditions implied  by  the  term  "  sweating  " — the  drive,  the 
excessive  specialization,  and  the  human  exploitation — 
are  largely  independent  of  any  system  of  production, 
and  of  any  particular  relationship  between  employers  and 
employed.  They  are  dependent  on  more  fundamental 
considerations : — On  the  general  position  and  character 
of  the  trade ;  on  the  quality  of  the  labour  employed ; 
on  the  nature  and  strength  of  the  traditions  of  the  trade, 
and  of  its  labour  organizations  ;  on  the  force  of  competition 
within  and  the  pressure  of  competition  from  without ;  and 
on  the  character  of  employers  and  of  their  deputies. 

The  best  as  well  as  the  worst  conditions  of  employment 
may,  indeed,  prevail  under  any  system — large  or  small, 
factory,  workshop,  or  home.  To  obtain  a  basis  for  generaliza- 
tion as  to  the  real  explanation  of  the  prevailing  conditions, 
a  careful  analysis  of  the  particular  circumstances  affecting 
particular  trades  is  thus  necessary,  rather  than  a  classifica- 
tion based  on  superficial  differences  of  form.  Even  then 
any  conclusions  arrived  at  would  be  largely  hypothetical 
in  character,  for  it  is  as  necessary  in  the  study  of 
contemporary  industx'ial  life  as  in  that  of  abstract  economic 
theory  to  be  clear  as  to  the  nature  of  the  assumptions 
that  have  been  made  in  enunciating  any  proposition. 
In  the  case  before  us,  however,  these  assumptions  will  be 
based  on  an  examination  of  actual  circumstances ;  whei'eas 
abstract  theory  necessarily  depends  to  a  great  extent  on 
their  elimination. 

*  First  Series,  Vol.  IV.,  chap.  X. 


SYSTEMS  OF  PRODUCTION  AND  EMPLOYMENT.  119 

While  the  fuudaracntal  motive  that  determines  method 
of  production  may  be  stated  generally  as  the  desire  to 
socui-e  the  most  effective  use  of  labour  and  capital,  various 
influencing  circumstances  such  as  have  been  mentioned, 
determine  the  special  conditions  of  employment  that  prevail 
in  any  particular  trade.  These  may  vary  from  time 
to  time  with  a  hundred  operating  causes,  but  in  certain 
trades,  especially  in  some  of  those  in  which  the  small 
system  chiefly  prevails,  they  have  acted  with  harmful  and 
deteriorating  force  both  on  work  and  worker. 

This  has  been  due  largely  to  what  have  become  the 
normal  conditions  of  competition  in  the  trades  concerned, 
but  it  has  been  accentuated  in  a  marked  degree  by  the 
response  that  the  producer  has  felt  himself  obliged  to 
make  to  the  popular  demand  for  cheapness — that  Janus- 
faced  economic  idol ;  making  on  the  one  side  for  comfort 
in  life,  but  on  the  other  constituting  a  shrine  before  which, 
though  most  worship  blindly,  many  human  lives  have  been 
and  are  being  sacrificed.  The  vast  majority  of  consumers 
are  constantly  on  the  alert  for  cheap  things,  and,  what- 
ever their  margin  of  income  may  be,  they  are  apt  to  yield 
to  the  temptation  to  welcome  the  lowest  range  of  prices 
that  competition  can  secure,  whatever  be  the  conditions 
of  employment  involved. 

An  instance  may  be  given  from  the  evidence  of  a  tin- 
plate  worker  regarding  his  trade,  who  says:  "All  big 
shops  have  small  garret-masters — small  sweaters  who  have 
been  journeymen  themselves  and  are  anxious  to  be 
independent,  and  to  start  on  their  own  account — working 
for  them,  and  doing  the  light,  common  work.  These  small 
men  make  things  which  are  only  made  to  sell,  and  only 
sell  because  they  are  cheap.  They  are  of  no  use,  have  no 
strength,  yet  people  buy  them,  and  the  supply  has  caused 
a  demand.  Working-men's  wives,  who  ought  to  know 
better,  are  the  chief  offcnders.^^ 


CHAPTER  V. 

CHARACTERISTICS  AND  TRAINING  OF  LONDON  LABOUR. 


The  "  industrial  revolution/'  started  in  tlie  eigliteentli 
century,  is  still  in  active  progress,  and  the  coiiflict  of 
system — of  new  against  old  forms  of  industrial  organization 
— inaugurated  more  tlian  a  century  ago,  is  still  proceeding 
in  many  trades.  lu  some  it  has  not  even  yet  begun.  But 
the  effects  are  already  widespread,  and  the  resulting  changes 
of  industrial  structure  are  working  themselves  out  in  many 
forms,  nowhere,  perhaps,  more  actively  or  with  a  greater 
variety  of  illustration  than  in  London. 

Among  other  effects  of  the  changes  that  have  taken 
place,  we  find  that  the  division  of  occupations  into  *''  skilled '' 
and  "  unskilled  "  which  once  passed  muster  is  gradually 
falling  into  disrepute,  and  that  many  of  the  elements  of 
personal  industrial  efficiency  are  tending  to  alter. 

In  the  present  chapter  we  shall  consider  these  points 
with  special  reference  to  the  characteristics  of  London 
labour;  to  the  degree  of  independence  maintained  by 
London  as  regards  the  supply  of  labour  rc(|uired ;  and 
to  the  allied  question  of  industrial  training. 

Although  the  terms  "skilled"  and  "unskilled"  are 
becoming  increasingly  inexact  and  unscientific,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  they  will  long  continue  in  use,  for  a  very 
varying  standard  of  efficiency  is  nearly  always  found 
among  individuals  nominally  following  the  same  occupation, 
and  in  most  trades  those  employed  may  bo  roughly 
divided  into  skilled  or  unskilled  workers.  It  is  rather 
when  wo  compare  trade  with  trade  that  we  discern  wider 
and     more     unmistakable    differences,    some     occupations 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  121 

denianding,  if  mastered  tliorouglily,  a  range  of  knowledge 
and  of  aptitude  that  distinguishes  them  in  a  very- 
marked  way  from  others  in  which  there  is  no  correspond- 
ing scope.  Moreover,  the  increasing  use  of  scientific 
processes  and  of  machinery,  demanding  care  rather  than 
skill,  together  with  the  greater  variety  in  the  functions  of 
operative  labour  generally  and  in  the  conditions  under 
which  they  are  fulfilled,  make  the  old  expressions  increas- 
ingly inadequate.  They  will  be  found  to  be  especially 
so  in  the  present  more  particular  consideration  of  the 
elements  of  industrial  efficiency,  and  the  extent  to  which 
London  is  able  to  supply  them. 

In  what  does  industrial  efficiency  consist  ?  It  may  be 
possible  to  define  competency,  but  competency  is  no 
guarantee  of  effective  work.  The  most  skilful,  clever,  and 
"  competent "  men  are,  indeed,  sometimes  very  far  from 
being  efficient,  for,  unless  the  strictest  supervision  be 
possible  and  enforced,  they  not  infrequently  take  liberties 
with  their  powers,  and  lack  many  of  the  qualities  that  are 
absolutely  necessary  to  effective  service.  Competency  and 
skill  mean  power;  efficiency  means  power  applied. 

The  word  has,  therefore,  a  wide  meaning,  for  efficiency 
will  involve,  not  only  the  mastery  of  the  processes  required  in 
any  particular  occupation,  but  the  presence  of  the  pei'sonal 
qualities — the  physical,  and,  if  there  be  no  control  from 
outside,  the  moral  fibre,  necessary  to  ensure  its  exercise. 

The  simplest  form  of  efficiency  is  called  for  in  the  case  of 
labour  expended  on  easy  and  straight-forward  work,  such 
as  road-sweeping  or  wood-chopping.  From  this  we  may 
rise  to  the  rarest  manual  form,  demanding  the  highest  skill 
and  trustworthiness,  in  which  the  operative,  working,  it 
may  be  alone,  on  costly  materials,  needs  in  the  pursuit  of 
his  craft  not  only  the  most  careful  and  skilled  manipulation, 
but  the  power  of  judgment  and  of  feeling  as  regards  both 
utility  and  beauty. 


122  SUIiVEY  AXD    COXCLUSIOXS. 

In  some  trades,  like  tliufc  of  tlie  smith,  there  is  "  always 
somethiuj^  to  learu " ;  in  most  there  is  scope  for  the 
perfect  adaptation  that  comes  from  the  repeated  exercise, 
even  in  a  limited  lield,  of  hand  and  brain;  but  in  many 
the  opportunities  for  adding  either  to  knowledge  or  to 
efficiency  are  small.  This  is,  perhaps,  especially  so,  when 
the  operative  is  the  feeder  of  a  machine,  in  which  case,  if 
there  be  no  active  responsibility  felt  for  the  machine  that 
is  served,  and  no  watchful  interest  in  ilie  final  product, 
there  is  danger,  even  more,  perhaps,  than  when  great 
muscular  strain  is  involved,  lest  occupation  should  dwarf 
the  physical  and  mental  life  of  the  workcn-.  Tn  sucli  cases 
efficiency  is  found  mainly  in  an  unrelieved  and  unvarying 
persistency.  In  persistency  we  find,  indeed,  the  most 
general  element  of  efficiency,  but  it  varies  in  character  from 
the  mechanical  repetition  of  the  simplest  movement  to  the 
strong  and  sympathetic  application  of  the  highest  powers 
— from  the  methods  of  the  "  mason,"  for  instance,  "  whoso 
persistency  is  as  the  ways  are  of  men  in  this  world,"  to 
those  of  Michael  Angclo. 

Efficiency,  therefore,  will  vary  with  and  be  closely 
related  to  both  occupation  and  the  moral  and  physical  con- 
ditions under  which  occupation  is  followed.  Even  the 
element  of  voluntary  persistency  will  often  be  unessential, 
although  always  to  be  desired.  When  strict  superintend- 
ence is  exercised,  or  when  the  degree  of  effort  is  determined 
either  by  the  recurring  demand  of  machinery  for  attention, 
or,  in  cases  when  all  must  work  together,  by  the  pace 
that  is  set  by  the  somewhat  more  highly-paid  leader  of 
a  gang — in  such  cases  we  may  approach  the  conditions 
of  the  tread-mill,  and  secure  regularity  of  effort  in  spite  of 
the  absence  of  good-will. 

The  relative,  and  therefore  varying  natui-e  of  industrial 
efficiency  is  curiously  illustrated  in  the  special  importance 
that  is  attached  to  particular  qualities  in  pai-ticular  trades. 


CIIABACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUB.  123 

Thus  we  read  that  for  coffin-niakors  it  is  more  important 
that  a  man  should  be  stronj^  and  presentable,  with  respectful 
and,  "if  possible,  sympathetic  manners,"  than  a  highly 
skilled  workman ;  an  organ-builder  must  not  only  have 
a  general  knowledge  of  his  craft,  but,  since  the  church  is 
often  his  workshop,  he  must  be  sober,  steady,  and  of  good 
behaviour ;  in  the  case  of  the  artesian-well  constructor, 
much  of  whose  work  has  to  be  executed  without  super- 
vision, at  a  distance  from  head-quarters,  reliability  is 
so  essential  that  in  some  cases  a  suitable  man  who 
possesses  some  aptitude  for  the  work  will  be  given  the 
necessary  special  training  in  adult  life;  for  those  em- 
ployed in  chemical  works,  attention  and  obedience  are 
the  first  essentials  ;  for  farriers,  strength  and  nerve  ;  for 
plasterers,  when  good  work  is  expected,  there  is  a  special 
need  for  its  conscientious  performance,  since  scamped 
work  can  often  be  concealed  in  any  case  for  a  time ;  in 
the  making  of  tin  canisters  and  many  other  things  nimble 
fingers  count  for  more  than  experience ;  it  is  particularly 
essential  that  the  dyer  should  be  honest,  since  "  many 
articles  of  small  size  and  great  value  pass  constantly 
through  his  hands " ;  and  we  read  that  "  the  most 
essential  virtue  for  the  milk-carrier  is  punctuality  in 
the  morning."  If  the  material  used  in  a  trade  is  valuable, 
as  in  the  cases  of  clothiers'  cutters,  upholsterers,  boot- 
clickers,  or  of  paint-brush  makers  (who  use  expensive 
bristles),  there  is  exceptional  need  of  good  judgment, 
since  waste  may  be  considerable  if  this  be  not  exercised. 
And  again  special  branches  of  the  same  trade  often  demand 
special  qualities,  in  this  fact  being  found  indeed  one  of  the 
fundamental  reasons  for  the  specialization  of  skill.  Thus, 
in  the  glass  trade,  while  factories  in  which  the  artistic  and 
highly-finished  ware  is  produced  cannot  secure  a  sufficient 
supply  of  duly  qualified  men,  others,  in  which  goods 
of  common  or  simple  construction  are  made,  are  over-run 
by  second-rate  workmen.     Even  among  the  "  unskilled " 


r.M  SUItVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

we  not  infrequently  find  that  special  elements  of  efficiency 
are  ilenianded,  as  in  the  case  of  the  "  heavy  lifters " 
in  railway  enj^ineering  works,  for  whose  tasks  great 
strength  is  required ;  or  in  that  of  scafToldors,  who 
must  possess  not  only  nerve  but  a  knowledge  of  how  to 
tie  secure  knots,  and  who  are  consequently  largely  recruited 
from  sailors. 

AVe  cannot,  therefore,  give  any  useful  general  answer 
to  the  question  as  to  what  are  the  necessary  elements  of 
industrial  efficiency.  Even  the  most  general  and  apparently 
most  obvious  statement  of  physical  and  moral  qualifications 
might  be  found  untrue  if  tested  by  application  to  the 
economic  requirements  of  this  or  that  particular  occupa- 
tion. We  are  driven  back  upon  the  conclusion  that  efficiency 
is  essentially  relative  both  to  function  and  to  the  con- 
ditions under  which  function  is  served — to  the  particular 
needs  or  aims  of  the  employer,  and  to  the  service  which 
the  public  requires. 

It  will  follow,  since  industrial  training  is  desired  only  to 
secure  the  greatest  efficiency,  that  the  most  appropriate 
form  of  training  will  in  its  turn  be  related  to  that  form  of 
efficiency  which  prevailing  conditions  show  to  be  most 
necessary.  These  conditions  vary  from  occupation  to 
occupation  and  sometimes  even  within  the  borders  of 
a  single  trade;  and  they  are  often  afi'ectcd  by  the  special 
circumstances  of  employment  in  London — by  the  exceptional 
opportunities  offered  there  for  excellence  of  work,  and  by 
the  exceptional  dangers  of  its  degradation. 

Of  mnny  occupations  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  any 
particular  training  is  required.  We  have  seen,  indeed, 
that  this  is  in  some  measure  true  even  of  certain  branches 
of  "skilled"  trades:  especially  when  they  are  curried  on 
under  highly  specialized  forms,  as  are  those  sections  of 
the  cabinet-making  and  tailoring  trades  in  East  London, 
to  which    newly    landed    foreigners    can    readily  turn    for 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  125 

a  liveliliood  without  either  previous  training'  or  experii;nce. 
But  there  are  other  well-defined  fields  of  employment  as 
to  which  the  above  statement  is  more  generally  true — as  in 
the  cases  of  porters,  and  many  factory,  dock,  and  general 
labourers.  There  are  certain  other  occupations,  also,  in 
relation  to  which,  although  a  particular  kind  of  experience 
is  essential,  the  idea  of  systematic  training  is  irrelevant,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  cases  of  costers  and  cabmen.  These 
have,  it  is  true,  to  learn  their  business  in  a  way  that  is 
unnecessary  for,  let  us  say,  a  builder's  excavator,  but  tiiey 
cannot  bo  systematically  taught.  If  there  be  a  natural 
facility,  then  an  acquaintance  with  Ijondon  streets  and 
London  life,  the  example  of  their  parents,  or  the  doings 
of  those  among  whom  they  live,  ensure  the  necessary 
knowledge.  London,  as  it  is  seen  in  the  daily  v/hirl  of 
business  and  pleasure,  is  their  workshop  as  it  has  been 
their  school,  their  playground  and  their  nursery. 

The  value  of  this  general  London  experience  is  reflected 
in  the  figures  given  in  the  table  on  page  29,  in  the  contrast 
shown  there  between  the  66  per  cent,  of  heads  of  families 
of  costers,  the  61  per  cent,  of  coal-porters,  and,  in  spite 
of  their  dealing  with  horses,  the  57  per  cent,  of  carmen 
who  are  London  born,  when  compared  with  the  43  per  cent, 
of  those  engaged  in  gas- work  service;  the  31  per  cent, 
of  railway  service  ;  and  the  22  per  cent,  of  gardeners. 

In  none  of  the  above  occupations  can  it  be  said  that  syste- 
matic training  is  required,  and  this  is  also  true  of  the  groups 
of  factory  labourers,  chemical  workers,  warehousemen,  and 
the  great  majority  of  millers'  and  brewers'  employees. 

Although,  however,  the  foregoing  classes  are  somewhat 
similarly  situated  in  reference  to  the  non-requirement  of 
systematic  industrial  training,  it  is  otherwise  as  regards 
their  general  qualifications,  and  the  three  following  groups 
may  perhaps  be  distinguished  :  (1)  in  which  a  particular 
type  of  man  is  wanted  and  secured,  such  as  for  most  brewers' 
employees,    with    strength    and    trustworthiness   as    their 


123  SUra-EY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

main  tests  of  efficiency;  (2)  when,  as  in  the  cases  of 
cabmen  and  costers,  a  general  London  expei'ience  is  the 
main  qnalification,  with  the  shai'pened  ■wits,  or,  it  may- 
even  be,  the  duUed  consciences  that  have  resulted  from 
a  London  upbringing ;  while  in  (3)  including  many  general 
labourers  and  some  street-sellers,  we  are  able  to  trace  the 
signs  of  a  residual  drift.  In  the  last  group,  efficiency  is 
mainly  negative  in  its  character,  and  position  largely 
determined  by  the  process  of  rejection  elsewhere :  the 
fitness  of  the  individual  for  the  place  which  he  fills,  is 
then  a  sign  of  inefficiency  when  compared  even  with 
a  g>?ncral  and  average  standard ;  and  status  finds  its 
explanation,  sometimes  in  misfortune,  but  often  in  physical 
weakness  and  incompetency,  or,  it  may  be,  in  laziness, 
drunkenness,  or  crime. 

With  the  exception  of  the  chemical  workers,  mill-workers, 
brewers,  and  factory  labourers,  the  classes  already  mentioned 
are  mainly  engaged  in  the  wide  field  of  subsidiary  industrial 
service.  It  is  in  the  productive  industries  that  the  questions 
of  training,  of  apprenticeship,  and  of  the  power  of  London 
to  meet  her  own  demand  for  workers,  are  perhaps  of 
greatest  importance. 

In  the  following  trades  alone  does  the  system  of  appren- 
ticeship seem  to  prevail  with  any  degree  of  generality  in 
London  at  the  present  time  : — 

CooperinK  (especially  among  the  "  wet  "  coopers). 

Export  packing-case  making. 

Basket  making. 

Railway  engineering. 

Copper-smiths  and  braziers. 

Pewtering. 

Tin-plate  work  :  "  East  End,"  i.e.  in  the  lighter  work. 

Wire-weaving. 

Silver-plate  working. 

Spoon  and  fork  finishing. 

Organ  building. 

Printing. 


CIIAnACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  127 

Book-liiiuling. 
Mat-making. 
Silk-hat  making. 
Ilair-dressing. 

And  in  some  of  the  old-established,  well-organized,  but  declining 
riverside  industries. 

Evon  in  the  foregoing  cases,  wliicli  represent  so  small 
a  proportion  of  London  trades,  and  which  rank  for  the  most 
part  among  its  minor  industries,  the  system  of  apprentice- 
ship adopted  varies  greatly  both  in  thoroughness  and  in 
form,  and  the  old  plan  of  a  seven  years'  indenture  is  rarely 
followed. 

In  a  few  trades  other  than  those  enumerated,  appren- 
tices are,  it  is  true,  found,  as  in  the  piece-masters'  shops 
of  the  cabinet  makers,  and  in  some  small  special  trades, 
such  as  "  thermometer  and  tube  blowing ; "  but  the 
recurring  note  throughout  the  whole  of  the  industrial 
volumes  of  the  pi-esent  inquiry,  is  that  the  system  of 
apprenticeship  is  either  dead  or  dying. 

The  practice  of  the  past  has  for  the  most  part  yielded  in 
the  face  of  modern  influences,  and  it  would  be  unreasonable 
to  anticipate  any  general  revival  of  apprenticing  in  London, 
or  even,  in  some  cases,  of  regular  training.  The  pressure 
of  existing  conditions  on  the  general  character  of  London 
employments  is  too  adverse,  since  its  products  tend  to  be 
characterized  either  by  great  cheapness  and  lack  of  finish, 
when  there  is  often  no  need  for  an  apprentice's  training, 
or  by  being  produced  under  a  pressure  of  haste  which  leaves 
no  time  for  his  slow  performance ;  by  such  extreme  and 
constrained  excellence  as  leaves  no  room  for  his  imperfect 
work,  or  by  the  fact  that  the  preparatory  stages,  formerly 
his  daily  task,  are  now  executed  by  the  machine. 

The  greater  difficulty  of  supervising  lads  who  are 
living  in  London  also  deserves  mention.  There  is  more 
steady  home  life  in  the  provinces.  The  home  itself,  and  in 
small  places  the  boy's  whole  surroundings,  come  more 
within  the  knowledge  of  the  master,  so  that  there  is  a  social 


123  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

check  on  his  conduct.  In  London  it  is  otherwise.  There, 
a  youth  n\aj  easily  lose  himself  at  will  in  the  great  world 
that  surrounds  liim.  The  master  can,  it  is  true,  to  some 
extent  control  the  influence  of  the  workshop,  even  though 
he  may  have  little  to  do  directly  with  the  instruction  of  the 
apprentice;  but  he  can  feel  no  confidence  that  this 
influence  is  being  backed  up  out  of  working  hours,  and  this 
doubt  weighs  with  him  against  assuming  the  responsibility 
of  taking  indentured  appi'entices. 

Moreover,  trade  requirements  vary.  In  some  cases,  the 
greater  value  of  the  experience  gained  by  movement  from 
shop  to  shop  during  the  probationary  period  is  frankly 
maintained,  as,  for  instance,  by  masons  and  engineers. 
In  many  trades  the  preference  for  "  speedy  earning "  to 
*' steady  learning  ^^  blocks  the  way.  This  consideration 
affects  both  employers  and  employed  alike,  and  when  yielded 
to  by  the  latter  it  may  be  due  to  the  pressure  of  home  con- 
ditions, for  young  workers  are  often  no  freer  as  economic 
agents  than  adults.  It  seems,  too,  that  in  many  directions 
a  revision  of  the  apprentice's  wage  is  reasonably  called  for, 
although,  to  balance  the  instruction  that  he  obtains,  he  must 
always  expect  a  lower  rate  than  the  "improver,"  towards 
whom  the  employer  has  no  corresponding  obligation. 

In  nearly  every  direction,  also,  a  strong  feeling  exists 
that  the  old  forms  or  customs  need  amendment  in  favour 
of  a  more  elastic  system  by  which,  though  the  legal  tie 
between  employer  and  apprentice  may  be  made  less  binding, 
the  moral  obligation  shall  become  more  so.  It  seems  also 
that  in  many  cases  fuller  provision  must  be  made  by 
which  the  training  of  the  workshop,  necessarily  somewhat 
unsystematic  and  unscientific  at  the  best,  is  preceded  and 
accompanied  by  teaching  in  well-equipped,  well-staffed, 
and  well-adapted  technical  schools — answering  the  double 
purpose,  it  may  be  noted,  of  increasing  knowledge  and  of 
dispelling  the  widespread  prejudices  of  working-men  in 
favour  of  traditional  and  old-fashioned  methods. 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  129 

In  different  trades  different  methods  of  adjustment 
are  requii-ed.  The  relative  numbers  of  apprentices  to 
adult  workei's;  the  provision  of  efficient  supervision  and 
instruction ;  the  question  of  premiums,  of  term  of  service, 
and  of  certificates  of  competency;  the  uses  of  an  outside 
intermediary  in  bringing  employers  and  apprentices 
together  and  in  adjudicating  in  cases  of  disagreement ;  the 
relation  of  the  apprentice  to  the  trade  union ; — these  and 
many  other  points  would  require  special  consideration 
in  their  bearing  upon  particular  trades.  Apprenticeship, 
however,  whatever  the  particular  appropriate  form  may 
be,  must  always  be  regarded  as  a  bargain  involving  the 
kindred  interest  of  both  master  and  apprentice.  The 
development  of  the  sense  of  responsibility  of  the  former  in 
his  capacity  of  instructor,  and  the  provision  of  the  necessary 
incentive  for  the  latter  in  his  capacity  of  learner,  should 
be  the  two  main  objects  to  be  kept  in  view.  Finally,  no 
proper  working  of  the  apprenticeship)  system  can  be 
realized  without  the  establishment  of  a  satisfactory  personal 
relationship,  but  this  would  be  the  natural  outcome  of  the 
frank  recognition  by  the  respective  parties  of  a  mutual 
obligation. 

If  this  sense  were  stronger  and  more  widely  spread,  it 
is  probable  that  London  would  be  industrially  more  self- 
sustained  than  it  is,  although  the  power  to  produce 
successive  generations  of  workers  depends  upon  many  other 
conditions. 

The  part  that  London  plays  in  the  production  of  its 
workers  is  of  a  two-fold  character. 

An  examination  of  the  table  of  the  proportions  born 
in  London,*  to  which  we  have  already  referred,  shows 
that  it  is  the  essentially  London  trades  which  are,  as 
indeed  was  to  be  expected,  chiefly  recruited  from  those 
born  in  London.    For  such  trades  Loudon  provides  a  school 

*  On  page  29. 

V  9 


130  SVnVEY  AND   COXCLUSIONS. 

which  is  far  more  comjDlete  tliau  any  found  in  tlio 
Provinces,  in  spite  of  the  normal  disadvantages  of  the 
Metropolis  as  a  centre  of  industrial  training.  We  see 
this  well  illustrated  in  the  cases  of  the  book-binders,  with 
only  19  per  cent,  of  heads  of  families  born  out  of  Loudon ; 
of  those  engaged  in  the  various  trades  included  under 
paper  manufacture,  with  22  per  cent. ;  in  the  brush-makers, 
with  24  per  cent. ;  in  the  glass  and  earthenware  workers 
and  musical  instrument  makers,  each  with  29  per  cent. ;  in 
the  sundry  metal  trades,  with  32  per  cent. ;  in  the  printers, 
with  34  per  cent. ;  and  in  the  jewellers,  with  35  per  cent., 
as  compared  with  an  average  of  50  per  cent,  for  the  whole 
population. 

In  all  these  occupations  the  concentrated  London  trade 
provides  an  environment  which  is  stronger,  both  as  an 
attracting  and  educating  influence,  than  any  found  outside. 
The  same  is  true  of  cabinet  makers,  with  only  32  per  cent., 
and  of  painters,  with  39  per  cent,  of  heads  of  families  born 
out  of  London,  but  in  these  cases  the  influence  that 
London  exercises  is  somewhat  different  in  its  general 
character.  In  these  trades,  and  some  others  like  them, 
a  large  proportion  of  those  employed  simply  drift  into 
the  stream  of  industrial  opportunities  that  flows  by  them ; 
while  others  are  dragged  down  by  the  rush  of  disorganized 
and  deteriorated  labour  that  competes  for  work  —  an 
eddying  current  stirred  by  the  fluctuating  demand  of 
a  great  market.  And  the  result  is  seen  in  the  ''brush- 
hand,"  who  can  secure  employment  as  a  painter  only  when 
the  conditions  of  this  seasonal  trade  are  in  his  favour,  or 
in  the  poor  cabinet  maker,  who,  carried  away  by  the  chances 
offered  by  a  highly  localized  and  highly  specialized  trade, 
is  left,  half-taught  and  helpless,  to  strain  his  life  away  in 
a  struggle  that  is  largely  bred  of  inefficiency.  From  a  large 
proportion  of  the  members  of  such  industries  no  general 
mastery  of  their  trade  is  required,  but  London  can  find 
room  for,  and,  for  the  moment,  even  seems  to  need  the 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  131 

services  of^  these  sony  crowds  of  half-taught  and  ill-paid 
workers. 

Excellence  and  degradation,  in  their  most  highly- 
specialized  as  well  as  in  their  most  general  forms,  are 
found  pre-eminently  in  London  industries  :  not  only,  for 
instance,  the  specialized  excellence  of  the  stone  carver  who, 
because  of  a  particular  aptitude,  keeps  mainly  to  figure- 
work,  and  the  specialized  degradation  of  the  cabinet  maker, 
Avho  does  nothing  and  can  do  nothing  but  knock  together 
the  prepared  parts  of  cheap  wardrobes ;  but  also  the 
general  excellence  of  the  highly  skilled  carpenter,  ready, 
if  the  opportunity  occur,  to  fill  the  place  of  foreman,  and 
be  responsible  for  the  supervision  of  the  largest  building 
contracts ;  and  the  general  degradation  of  the  man  who  is 
capable  of  nothing  but  to  dig  foundations,  if  he  have 
strength,  or,  if  he  be  physically  weak,  to  sell  penny  toys  in 
Cheapside.  London,  in  short,  grinds  out  of  its  industrial 
mill  both  the  best  and  the  worst,  and  may  often  rightly  lay 
claim  to  the  special  merit  of  the  former  even  when  frankly 
looking  to  the  Provinces  for  much  of  its  best  material. 

It  follows,  therefore,  that  if  a  trade  be  concentrated  in 
London — be  it  one  that  is  well-organized  and  comparatively 
well-paid  like  that  of  book-binders,  or  one  that  is  charac- 
terized rather  by  disintegration  and  excessive  specialization, 
like  that  of  cabinet-makers — London  may  be  expected,  not 
only  to  train  but  to  produce  the  majority  of  the  workers. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  trade  be  widely  carried  on  in  the 
Provinces,  as  well  as  in  London,  and  if  a  oreneral  knowledo-e 
of  it  be  of  service  even  to  those  working  under  the  more 
sharply  differentiated  conditions  of  London  employment, 
then  it  is  probable  that  a  large  proportion  will  be  country- 
born,  as  we  find  is  the  case  Avith  carpenters  and  joiners, 
bricklayers,  carriage  builders,  engineers,  smiths,  and 
saddlers,  among  whom  the  percentages  of  heads  of  families 
born  out  of  London  range  from  51  to  59. 

V  9  * 


132  SUEVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

Whether  this  movement  from  the  country  will  tend  to  be 
diminished  either  by  the  improved  teaching  power  of 
London  itself;  by  the  cutting  off  of  the  outside  sources 
of  supply,  or  perhaps  by  the  diminished  London  demand  ; 
or  whether,  if  it  continue,  it  will  be  counteracted  by  a 
larger  and  readier  outflow  from  London  to  the  Provinces, 
cannot  be  forecast.  Quite  independently,  however,  of  the 
answers  to  these  questions,  the  practical  problem  of 
industrial  training  to  a  great  extent  awaits  solution  at 
the  present  time  both  for  many  of  those  that  London 
absorbs  and  for  all  its  own  people.  It  affects  that  part 
of  the  community  to  whom  the  future  belongs,  and  thus 
constitutes  perhaps  a  more  fundamentally  important 
pi'oblem  than  almost  any  of  those  that  are  attracting 
public  attention. 

"We  have  seen  that,  to  many  fields  of  employment, 
including  even  many  branches  of  ^^  skilled'^  trades,  the 
notion  of  systematic  training  is  inappi'opriate.  Efficiency 
does  not  seem  to  depend  upon  it.  Subdivision  of  labour 
and  the  extending  use  of  mechanical  appliances — the  latter 
often  accelerated  by  the  suggestiveness  of  the  former — are 
in  process  of  active  and  even  aggressive  development,  and 
new  considerations  are  seen  to  interpose  when  we  examine 
the  ways  in  which  individual  efficiency  can  bo  best 
maintained. 

The  modern  economic  end  is  rarely  found  in  the  main- 
tenance of  individual  independence  as  regards  the  processes 
involved  in  any  particular  occupation.  Such  independence 
is  often  simply  an  indication  of  wasted  energy.  Nor  does 
the  fact  that  a  man  has  produced  a  finished  commodity 
unaided,  give  any  assurance  that  therefore  ho  will  himself 
derive  a  greater  satisfaction  from  it,  or  that  the  product 
v.ill  possess  a  greater  utility  or  beauty.  The  creative  and 
artistic  sense  of  "this  is  my  work^^  need  not  be  more 
stimulating  than  the  sense   of   a    corporate  responsibility 


CIIABACTERISTICS   OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  133 

and  claim.  There  is  rarely,  save  in  the  highest  forms 
of  creative  art,  any  real  independence  and  detachment. 
On  the  other  hand,  genuine  pride  in  work  is  to  be  found 
everywhere. 

Tlie  great  products  of  modern  industry,  such  as  a 
building-,  a  ship,  or  a  locomotive,  necessarily  involve  the 
co-operation  of  many  hands  and  minds,  and  there  is  not 
infrequently  a  feeling  of  satisfaction  in  the  result  as  of  a 
corpoi'ate  achievement  and  triumph.  It  does  not  appear 
■why  a  similar  sentiment  should  not  have  its  place  more 
Avidely  recognized  in  connection  with  the  combined  effort 
required  to  produce  many  things  of  smaller  dimensions — 
even  though  they  be  boots  and  coats — and  that  this  feeling 
might  find  its  place  to  some  extent  is  perhaps  shown  by 
the  way  in  which  men  are  always  apt  to  consider  their 
particular  shai'e  of  the  work  on  which  they  are  engaged 
as  the  most  important. 

The  conventional  disrepute  of  much  of  the  highly 
specialized  work  of  to-day  is  due,  not  only  to  the  traditional 
respect  for  older  methods,  but  also  to  the  recognition  that 
much  that  is  most  sterling  in  industrial  life  is  sacrificed  to 
the  demand  for  cheap  goods — for  cheapness  at  any  cost. 
But  it  would  seem  that  here,  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  the 
condemnation  of  the  conditions  under  which  a  certain 
object  is  attained  has  led  to  the  condemnation  of  much 
that  is  in  itself  desirable — perhaps  also  inevitable. 

It  would  indeed  be  a  mistake  to  consider  only  the 
material  product,  for  in  the  wider  social  interest,  and 
ultimately  in  the  economic  interest  itself,  the  conditions 
of  employment  need  to  be  such  as  do  not  degrade  the 
individual  worker.  The  cheapening  of  cost,  in  the  sense 
of  more  effective  production,  is  in  itself  a  social  gain. 
It  is  the  sham  cheapness  of  deceptive  or  adulterated 
goods,  made  for  sale  and  not  for  use,  and  the  harmful 
conditions  of    employment  that  are  not   infrequently  the 


134  SUnVFA'  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

accompaniment  of  the  cheaper  forms  of  production,  which 
are  deserviusf  of  condemnation. 

But  cheapness  is  possible  without  the  baneful  features 
of  low  pay  and  long  and  irregular  hours.  Such  features 
are  conditional,,  and,  it  may  even  be  hoped,  temporary 
phases — the  expression,  often  chaotic  in  form  and  injurious 
in  result,  of  the  movement  towards  a  completer  adoption 
of  the  sound  principle  of  division  of  labour. 

At  the  present  stage  of  development,  it  would  appear 
that  in  many  trades  the  dangers  of  undue  economic 
dependence  on  others  and  lack  of  versatility,  leading, 
it  majf  be,  to  personal  deterioration,  will  have  to  be  met 
by  better  and  more  continuous  general  education,  by 
the  development  of  other  forms  of  individual  progress, 
and  by  the  pressux'e  of  a  higher  standard  of  comfort  and 
life,  rather  than  by  technical  education  or  any  system 
of  apprenticeship.  Dominant  influences  point  to  a  still 
greater  use  of  mechanical  aids  in  the  future,  and  to 
a  more  highly  sjaecialized  application  of  labour  in  all 
processes.  The  necessity  of  economic  adaptation  to 
changing  conditions  will  require  therefore  to  be  met  by 
increased  power  of  adaptation  on  the  part  of  the  individual 
worker. 

But  there  is,  it  would  appear,  a  double  problem  of  in- 
dustrial training  before  London  working  men.  In  many 
occupations  large  numbers  must  be  employed  who  cannot, 
in  the  actual  processes  of  their  calling,  use  a  wide  technical 
knowledge,  and  cannot  therefore  rely  on  it  for  the  main- 
tenance of  their  economic  strength.  Their  most  valuable 
equipment  will  be  found,  not  in  craft-knowledge  of  the  old 
kind,  but  in  moral  advance  and  an  extended  intellectual 
horizon.  On  this  basis  all  alike,  whether  technically 
fckilled  or  not,  may  refuse  to  lend  themselves  to  the  baser 
conditions  of  industrial  life  by  which  so  many  are  overcome 
to-day.  For  some,  indeed,  the  fullest  and  best  ada])ted 
technical  knowledge  and  industrial  training  will  always  bo 


CHAR  ACT ElilSTICS  OF  LONDON  LABOUR.  135 

essential.  These  will  be  the  aristocracy  even  of  the  most 
subdivided  trades,  keeping  up  the  standard  of  efficiency  j 
helping  to  initiate ;  and,  it  may  be  hoped,  permeating  by 
their  influence  those  who  work  in  narrower  grooves  and 
with  smaller  powers.  But  for  others,  and  it  seems  even 
for  an  increasing  proportion,  the  maintenance  of  tlieir 
economic  position  will  have  to  be  secured  by  more  funda- 
mental qualities  than  by  the  acquirement  of  special  aptitudes. 
For  if  in  the  future  the  simplest  and  most  highly  concen- 
trated form  of  individual  effort  should  be  that  most  calcu- 
lated to  secure  the  highest  corporate  efficiency,  the  most 
appropriate  training  for  those  thus  employed  will  be,  not 
that  which  confers  powers  that  cannot  be  used,  but  rather 
one  that  enables  men  to  perform,  it  may  be,  some  simple 
task  faithfully  and  well,  with  self-restraint,  and  thus  with 
satisfaction  and  with  dignity. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

TRADE     UNIONS. 


I. — Introductory — Association  and  Combination. 

In  considering^  the  different  forms  of  association  and  the 
extent  to  which  they  prevail  it  will  be  desirable  to  bear  in 
mind  the  character  of  the  industries  to  which  they  apply. 
It  is  remarkable  that  out  of  the  seven  broad  divisions  of  the 
occupied  population — viz.  manufiicture,  retail  distribution, 
commercial  service,  transport^  public  service,  professional 
service,  and  domestic  service — it  is  only  in  a  certain  pro- 
portion of  two  of  them,  namely,  in  manufacture  and 
transport,  that  we  find  to  any  considerable  extent  the  form 
of  protective  association  known  as  the  Trade  Union.  The 
comparative  numbers  in  these  divisions  are  as  follows  : — 

rersons. 
I.     Those    mainly   engaged   in   Manufacture   and  Productive 

Industry        084,218 

II.     Tliose  mainly  engaged  in  Eetail  Distribution  ...         ...     186,750 

III.  Those  mainly  engaged  in  Banking,  Insurance,  and  Com- 

mercial Service        124,309 

IV.  Those   engaged   in   Locomotion,  Transport,   and   General 

Labour          355,270 

V.     Those  engaged  in  Public  Service        ...         ...  C0,G48 

YI.           ,,             ,,          Professions  and  Professional  Service      ...  111,915 

VII.           ,,             ,,          Indoor  and  Outdoor  Domestic  Service    ...  3'J'J,178 

VIII.     Returned  as  of  no  occupation  (mostly  married  women  and 

children)       2,289,455 


Total  Population         4,211,743 


Xo.  I.  embraces  wood-workers  and  metal-workers  of  all 
tind.s,  millers,  bi'ewer.s,  tobacco-workers,  bakers  and  con- 
fectioners ;  "  sundry  "  manufactures  ;  and  the  greater  part 
of  those  engaged  in  the  building  trades,  the  printing  and 


TRADE    UNIONS.  137 

allied  trades,  and  tlie  clothing"  and  textile  trades.  In  some 
of  the  above  sections — for  instance,  in  the  clothing  trades, 
and  among^  tobacco-workers,  and  bakers  and  confectioners — 
there  is  an  appreciable  minority  engaged  in  the  work  of 
distribution.  But,  since  exact  anal3^sis  is  impossible,  and 
since  even  in  these  trades  the  very  great  nuijority  is  engaged 
in  productive  industry,  they  have  been  included  here. 

No.  II.  includes  stationers,  booksellers,  &c.,  drapers,  &c., 
milk-sellers,  butchers,  fishmongers,  grocers,  &c.,  publicans, 
&c.,  lodging  and  coffee-house  keepers,  ironmongers,  coal, 
wood  and  corn  dealers,  general  shopkeepers,  and  costers 
and  street-sellers. 

The  numbers  in  both  the  preceding  divisions  would  be 
considerably  higher  if  clerical  and  manual  subsidiary  service 
could  have  been  included. 

In  No.  IV.,  in  the  cab,  omnibus  and  tram  men,  and  in 
the  various  branches  of  railway  service,  we  have  a  body  of 
men  engaged,  in  a  special  sense,  in  the  unofficial  service 
of  the  public.  They  number  72,959.  These,  together  with 
carmen,  coal-porters,  seamen,  and  certain  branches  of 
riverside  employment,  give  a  total  of  156,214  engaged  in 
the  general  service  cf  locomotion  and  transport  in  the 
Metropolis.  General  labourers  (79,747)  are  also  placed 
here,  and  probably  include  the  greater  number  of  the 
builders'  labourers,  as  well  as  a  large  proportion  of  dock 
labourers.  It  is  in  this  section,  perhaps  above  all  others, 
that  Ave  find  the  elements  of  the  labour  problem  in  their 
crudest  and  most  hopeless  form. 

Of  the  total  in  No.  VI.,  18,393  are  returned  as  members 
of  the  three  professions  of  law,  medicine  and  religion. 
Authors,  editors  and  journalists  reach  a  total  of  only  3211. 
The  returns  would  probably  have  been  considerably  higher 
had  the  description  conveyed  any  definite  qualification,  and 
still  more  so  had  the  titles  been  protected  by  Statute,  as 
are,  for  instance,  those  of  barristers,  who  often  insert  on  the 
census  schedule  the  legal  status  they  possess,  even  though 


138  SiTiVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

clopeuJent  on  some  extraneous  profession  for  tlieir  livelihood 
— on  letters,  for  instance,  rather  than  on  briefs. 

This  division  embraces,  in  addition,  architects  and  civil 
engineers,  &c.,  and  those  who  fall  under  the  general 
headings  of  art  and  amusement,  science  and  education ; 
together  with  various  forms  of  subsidiary  or  allied  service  : 
law  clerks,  sick  nurses,  chemists,  &c. 

Although  trade  unionism  is  practically  limited,  as  we 
have  said,  to  sections  I.  and  IV.,  various  typical  forms  of 
association  are  found  in  some  of  the  other  divisions.  In 
the  cases  of  solicitors  and  doctors  we  have  organizations 
resting  on  a  legal  basis,  with  special  privileges  conferred 
and  responsibilities  enforced  by  Parliament,  in  which, 
consequently,  membership  is  compulsory.*  In  other  cases 
we  find  prominent  objects  of  association  in  the  promotion 
of  technical  education,  in  the  spread  of  information  or  the 
interchange  of  expert  opinion  useful  to  the  members  of 
a  particular  profession  or  trade.  The  membership  of  insti- 
tutes, like  those  of  the  actuaries  or  civil  engineers,  most 
nearly  approaches  this  form.  But  such  objects  alone  rarely 
constitute  the  reasons  for  a  society^s  existence,  the  bond 
thus  formed,  apart  from  any  protective  or  friendly  object, 
not  being  sufficiently  strong.  Other  associations,  again,  such 
as  the  commercial  travellers,  the  Spanish  leather  dressers, 
the  goldsmiths  and  jewellers,  or  the  master  coach-builders' 
benefit  societies,  are  mainly  social  or  philanthropic  in  their 
basis. 

There  is  a  common  tendency  for  the  objects  of  organiza- 
tion to  become  complex.  Such  complexity  has  sometimes 
resulted  from  the  use   of  incidental  opportunities  for  the 

•  These  associations  differ  so  much  in  character  from  voluntary  labour 
and  trade  organizations  that  the  parallel  sometimes  drawn  between  them  is 
misleading.  The  Plumbers'  Registration  Bill,  which  has  several  times  been 
before  Parliament,  would  make  it  illegal  for  anyone  not  authorized  to  call 
himself  a  registered  plumber,  and  is  interesting  in  this  connection.  The 
Act,  as  in  the  other  cases,  would  tend  to  create  a  monopoly  in  the  public 
interest— in  this  instance  for  the  sake  of  the  public  health. 


TItADE    UNIONS.  1C9 

promotion  of  some  secondaiy  object,  and  occasionally  it 
has  been  strengthened  by  the  fact  (as  in  the  case  of  many 
early  labour  combinations)  that  the  real  motive  for 
association  could  not  be  avowed. 

But  it  is  clear  that  the  bonds  of  membership  vary  in 
kind.  In  the  case  of  the  solicitors,  or  again  of  auctioneers 
•who  are  compelled  to  take  out  a  licence,  the  unauthorized 
assumption  of  the  statutory  qualifications  is  liable  to 
punishment  in  a  court  of  law.  In  other  cases  a  duly 
registered  body  like  the  Institute  of  Chartered  Accountants, 
may,  by  examination  or  by  other  methods  of  admission, 
possess  the  power  of  conferring  privileges  necessary  to  the 
full  pursuit  of  a  certain  calling,  but  the  recognition  of  such 
standards  as  these  associations  are  able  to  set,  rests  solely 
on  public  opinion.  In  other  cases,  the  bond  is  strictly 
social,  membership  of  the  society  being  purely  voluntary 
and  non-membership  making  itself  felt  only  in  the  non- 
participation  in  whatever  friendly  benefits  may  be  offered. 

In  the  case  of  associations  of  employers  or  employed, 
where  also  membership  is  voluntary,  the  basis  is 
primarily  economic.  The  bond  is  frequently  strengthened 
by  the  offer  of  additional  friendly  advantages,  but  the 
primary  object  is  an  improved  industrial  position  to  be 
secured  by  the  members.  The  underlying  motive  is  self- 
interest.  At  times,  indeed,  these  bodies  may  act  for 
altruistic  purposes,  but  the  dominant  influence  that  brings 
them  into  existence,  and  which  maintains  their  vitality, 
is  the  belief  that  in  some  way  they  will  prove  advan- 
tageous to  the  individual  members  who  compose  them. 

It  is  with  such  associations  as  these,  and  their  presence 
or  absence  in  London  trades,  that  we  shall  be  mainly 
concerned  in  the  present  chapter. 

Before  considering  the  more  common  form  of  voluntary 
protective  association,  in  which  the  motive  for  combination 
is  mainly,  but  by  no  means  exclusively,  found  in  the 
relation  of  one  class  to  another  within  the  same  trade,  the 


140  SUnVFA'  AND   COXCLVSIOXS. 

existence  of  protective  combinations  may  be  noted  in  which 
the  necessary  motive  is  supplied  by  the  fact  that  some 
outside  party  threatens  or  seems  to  threaten  pai'ticular 
interests.  Examples  of  this  kind  of  association  are 
seen  in  that  of  the  costers  and  street-sellers,  who  have 
combined,  mainly  for  the  protection  of  market  privileges 
in  particular  streets  in  which  it  was  contended  that 
a  prescriptive  right  had  been  created,  against  the  encroach - 
in  Of  regulations  of  Public  Boards  or  against  the  inter- 
ference  of  the  police;  and  in  the  Associated  Booksellers 
of  Great  ]>ritain  and  Ireland,  a  society  which  concerns 
itself  chiefly  with  the  regulation  of  book  discounts.  Other 
instances  are  the  Retail  Newsagents'  and  Booksellers'  Union, 
the  object  of  which  is  mainly  to  adjust  business  relations 
with  newspaper  publishers ;  the  Master  Bill  Posters' 
Association,  founded  to  protect  its  members  both  against 
municipal  interference  and  against  the  systematic  attacks 
of  those  who  on  aesthetic  or  moral  gi'ounds  have  shown 
hostility;  and  lastly,  the  four  protective  societies  estab- 
lished by  publicans  in  the  interests  of  "  the  trade."  These 
societies  have  been  formed  in  opposition  to  the  United 
Kingdom  Alliance,  and  to  deal  with  the  numerous  legis- 
lative proposals  for  the  further  restriction  of  the  liquor 
traJSic.  The  interesting  case  of  Brewers'  Hall,  which,  in 
the  exercise  of  its  functions  as  a  protective  society,  forbids 
the  sale  of  beer  by  its  members  below  a  fixed  minimum 
price,  also  deserves  mention  here. 

These,  however,  are  of  the  nature  of  trade  protection 
societies,  differing  essentially  from  the  great  types  of 
employers'  associations  and  labour  organizations,  of  which 
during  the  last  hundred  years  so  striking  a  development 
has  been  witnessed. 

The  popular  division  of  the  industrial  world  into  rival 
camps  of  employers  and  employed  is  not  only  superficial 
but   misleading,   since   the    analysis    of   almost    any   trade 


TRADE    Vh'IONS.  141 

sliows  us  tlie  number  and  variety  of  its  divergent  interests; 
while  a  broader  view  reveals  the  strength  of  the  forces 
that,  in  spite  of  conspicuous  forms  of  conflict  and  uurest, 
make  for  solidarity  among  all  sections  concerned. 

The  incompleteness  of  such  a  division  might  be  illustrated 
by  reference  to  almost  any  chapter  in  the  present  work, 
but  it  is  enough  to  appeal  to  facts  open  to  the  commonest 
observation  of  the  industrial  world.  The  almost  unbroken 
continuity  in  the  gradation  of  conditions  which  is  pi'esented 
to  us,  not  only  by  society  at  large,  but  by  the  component 
sections  of  many  individual  trades,  is  among  the  healthiest 
and  most  generally  applicable  characteristics  ol:  the  national 
life,  while  a  complete  change  in  individual  status  is  far 
from  uncommon.  The  discussion  therefore  of  the  industrial 
relationships  of  employer  and  employed,  as  if,  on  the  one 
side,  there  were  a  body  of  rich  men  with  assured  incomes 
and,  on  the  other,  a  miserable  proletariat,  involves  a 
cai'icature  of  modern  industrial  society  in  this  country  for 
which,  in  spite  of  the  extremes  of  poverty  and  wealth  that 
it  presents,  there  is  no  justification. 

There  is  neither  fixity  nor  finality  in  industrial  relation- 
ships, and  there  are  no  sharply  dividing  lines. 

But,  though  this  complete  gradation  is  true  of  the 
aggregate,  analysis  shows  us  many  well-defined  sub- 
divisions, some  by  status,  but  most  by  occupation.  If  we 
take  coloui's  to  indicate  occupations  and  spaces  of  different 
size  for  the  numbers  involved,  we  may  imagine  any  great 
centre  of  population  as  a  patchwork  surface.  Then  if  in- 
tensity of  tint  represents  differing  status,  the  colour  by 
which  an  occupation  is  represented  will  sometimes  be 
uniform  throughout,  although  more  often  divided  into 
clearly  defined  shades.  But  the  patchwork  forms  a  single 
piece  ;  the  demarcations,  whether  between  different  colours 
or  between  different  shades  of  the  same  colour,  are  not 
lines  of  severance :  the  great  fabric  holds  together, 
albeit  with  ragged  edges  and  some  thin  places. 


142  SURVEY  ASD    CONCLUSIONS. 

Employers'  associations,  other  than  Trade  Protection 
Societies,  arc  generally  the  sequel  to  the  combinations  of 
wage-earners,  and  that  they  should  follow  rather  than 
precede  the  latter  is  to  a  great  extent  explained  by  the 
pressure  of  the  sacrifice  of  individual  freedom  that  asso- 
ciation always  involves  ;  for  this  sacrifice  tends  to  make 
itself  more  felt  in  the  case  of  employers  than  employed, 
since  their  operations  are  more  varied  and  their  field 
wider.  As  there  is  more  scope  for  action,  there  is  also 
greater  unwillingness  to  limit  in  any  respect  the  power  of: 
free  initiative  and  unhampered  management.  For  such 
reasons,  therefore,  the  steps  towards  association  are  only 
likely  to  be  taken  when  the  pressure  of  some  outside 
influence  makes  the  counterbalancing  gain  both  evident 
and  certain. 

The  conditions,  therefore,  that  lead  to  the  formation  of 
such  associations  are  much  simpler  than  in  the  case 
of  the  employed,  being  determined  for  the  most  part  by 
the  strength  of  the  workmen's  organization  in  the  given 
trade.  The  actual  power  of  association  is  generally  present, 
except  when  the  number  of  small  masters  is  very  great  and 
there  are  rapid  changes  in  status  between  employers  and 
employed,  and  when  consequently  there  is  an  absence  of 
the  material  for  a  permanent  bond  or  for  the  recognition 
of  a  corporate  responsibility. 

In  London  the  following  are  among  the  most  important 
instances  of  employers'  associations  : — 

Builders ;  master  coopers ;  ship-builders  and  boiler- 
makers  ;  master  brush-makers  j  master  tailors  ;  boot  and 
shoe  manufacturers,  and  master  bakers — the  society  of  the 
last-mentioned  concerning  itself,  however,  largely  with  the 
question  of  excessive  official  intei'fercnce.  Such  associ- 
ations exist  also  in  the  printing  and  allied  trades,  and  in 
several  branches  of  the  furniture  trades.  In  some  cases 
the  London  Chamber  of  Commerce  aifords  a  medium  of 
intercourse,  with  a  view  to  joint  action,  between  employers. 


TBADE    UNIONS.  143 

In  many  trades  the  foremen  have  separate  societies, 
usually  less  for  purposes  of  protection  than  fur  friendly 
objects. 


II. — Workmen's   Associations. 

In  the  table  of  occupations  which  foUoAvs,  the  propor- 
tion ''in  union''  is  shown  for  the  various  sections,  together 
with  the  amount  of  young  and  female  labour,  the  proportion 
of  employers  to  employed,  and  other  particulars  bearing  on 
the  subject  of  the  present  chapter. 

In  a  certain  number  of  minor  subdivisions  (as,  for 
instance,  in  that  of  the  barge  builders  with  80  per  cent.) 
a  somewhat  higher  percentage  of  organization  is  reached 
than  is  shown  by  any  division  given  in  the  table.  But  for 
any  considerable  group  of  trades  we  may  take  67  per  cent, 
as  the  maximum  reached,  and  in  the  thirty-six  groups 
enumerated  the  proportion  ranges  from  this  maximum 
down  to  4^  per  cent. 

In  the  various  sections  of  "  labour  "  the  lines  of  organi- 
zation, except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  the  General  Builders' 
Labourers'  Union,  are  not  very  sharply  marked,  corre- 
sponding in  this  respect  to  the  absence  of  clear  definition  in 
the  census  returns  themselves.  An  aggregate  percentage 
has,  therefore,  been  obtained  by  grouping  the  members  of 
eight  of  the  allied  sections  together.  The  27  per  cent, 
thus  yielded  is  probably  still  somewhat  too  high  a  figure, 
for  the  net  of  these  labour  unions  is  cast  very  widely,  and 
a  certain  proportion  of  their  members  are  drawn  from 
porters,  factory  labourers,  and  other  outside  bodies  of 
workers  who  are  separately  returned  in  the  census.  But 
the  numbers  added  in  this  way  are  not  likely  to  be  very 
considerable,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  the  sections  to 
which  they  properly  belong  may  be  regarded  as  practically 
unorganized. 


£ 

u 


« 


o 

O 


^3 


a 
o 


c 
<u 
>-■ 
C< 

c< 

OS 

C 

a 

a 
<o 

Q 

a> 


C3 


CO 

tn" 
o 

CO 

c3 

l-H 
<5 


o 


•T3 

a 

'S 
to 


,2 

u   tn 

.2  c 

to  . 


—I         >. 

«      To 


£^' 

^  a) 
C  tn 
oS  u 

ja  a 

oi 


c     . 
o  a 

a>  o 
SI 

•  2i  o 
»  ^  tfi 

■  s  «> 

!  O    ^ 

■  '•'^    '^ 

1  ^^ 

^5-2  5  o 
3  §  2- 
-a  <^  „  o 

tc  O    c  -^ 

S  -^  o  ° 

53  S  S  ^ 
P-i 


0) 


00 
to 

C4 

o 
o 


tn  cc 
m  O 

cja 

(U    00 

O  a, 

2^ 

•^'^ 

bo-u 
-=l  o 

•°.S 

22 

s  fl 

O  eS 

M.2 

in 
o)  2 

oS   oj 

0.3 

<U 


c 


?: 


o 


3 


O 


I      05  JaAO 
s.iivm  fwA'oid 
■111.)  11}  iioxxvrj: 

-llt'lSjO  JO  % 


h-  CN  O  CO  ,—  r-  O 
CO  CO  CD  LO  to  ■^  lO 


O 

to 


<D  CO  O 
UO  -^  '^ 


CTJ  N-  tn 

CO  CO  (X) 


CO 


CM 


CN 


•l^iziiicS 
-ioi5Joquin>ij 


r^or-i— rocMO  o 

OO  O  OO  CM  CO  CM  oo  cr3 

O  O  c^ CO  CT)  >—  to 

1^  CO  CM  COCM         I—  r- 


ooi  in 

O  CM  CO 
O  -.rl-  — 

CO  I—  r- 


co  r~-  r^ 

en  <^-l  CO 
OO  CD  CO 

inocD 


tn 

CM 

c» 


CD 
CO 


CO 


ooo  o 
o  o  oo 

LOO  O  '■O 

r^  to  00  1^ 


o 
o 


•SllOlllfl 


CD  I—  to  CO  to  tn  CO 


r-tnCM         O5O0  ■^ 


CD 


CMi— 1— CDOOO  1 


•uuij 
-«Hi(IoU  poid 

-U030     IBJOX 


•Jt  lO  '.O  c:  ~ 

o  o  cc  a  -r  1 

O  C2  i.O  w   —  i 


CO 

Ci 


•o  -t< 
OJ  o 


i:;  C-.  vj 
CI  -?  c^ 
c<;  -.^  CO 
»r^  CO  CO 


1-  C  'M   L-  — .   t-  ^   w   I-  O 

c^  ^o  oco;r-t<co>— i<r.  o 

CO  <M  >.'^OCXt-~OCO-+iOO 

CO  t-  QO^i-';:r:coi— icooo 


I     •(sass^p 


in  o  CO  CO  >^  CO  <?«       o 

e<i      o  ■?!  ci      CO 


i         •(«''I«K) 

I        pOAOllllIM 
JOIl     SJ.lAOlil 

•111  J  jnilliaK 


Cl  t^-  »— '  C*  O  "^  -i* 
-1<  i-l  -t<  O  oo  rH  O 
CO  cc  r-l  »  <M  CO  <M 


00 
rH 
O 


o 


H 


lo  o  CO  tr-  -t  iM  -^  -^ 

-^  O  cc  to  C^  CO  CtT'  to 

t- CO  CO  Tjl  CO  O  •*  00 
O          t-H 


O  '"  •-<  CO  O  O  CO 
QC  •M  CI  CO  CT:  ^M  C-l 
-1<  X  CO  to  -l"  0-1  CI 
US  -^ll  ■»*<  O  «5  O  C<J 
<M  


00 

OO 


KJ-*.<0|<llll3 


t^  cr.  ci  —  t^  «  CO 

10  ~.  1.0  CO  —  1-1  oi 

CO  t-l  CI  CI  OI  CO  CO 


00 


O 

H 

< 

:3 
o 
o 
o 

c: 
o 

M 
Q 

t 


tc 


tc 


o 


7^    '" 

2  5^3  = 

»  r-  -<  i-  w  C3 

2  S.E  2  «  £ 
'-'  o;  -=•  '^  r  ^ 

C--  o^  i:  1- 

;i,  >J  c;  ;i,  ?.  K 


o 
o 

o 
H 


ooo 


CO  CI 


00 


o   ^ 
in   o 

CO    C5 


CI 

-« 

■*  o 

(M 

(N  CO  CI 

—'       1 

tH 

CI 

i-H 

CO     1 

t^ 

CI 

iH 

» 

« 

»     ♦ 

o 

to 

d  to     CO  C5  to 

CI  C-   C:  >0  O 

CO  C5    O  -^  tH 
t-  CI  -* 


~»         CO  I-H  cc  O  CO  l.O  •>*  lO  t^ 

C5         C5  OCOC^C-COCCOOO 

■<i<       o  t-Tjid-^c:scoo>o 

CO  Ci  i-t  C<l 


o  cc  oo 

O  l^  '^ 

o  c;  t~ 
CO  d  c^ 


cr:  C-  00 

OC'  CO  CI 

-s*  >o  o 

O  CO  Ci 
-^  CI  — < 


O  >-l  Ci  C5  1-"^  CI  o  o  o 

CO  c-cocico-^-T'crjco 

i-<  L^  CO  l:^  o  o  CO  ci  CO 

r-i  t.-»->*tlOOlOt-CO-* 


O  --I         t^  X  >o 
to  O  CO   t-  t~ 

r-l  CI  d  i-l  l^ 

CI  --t  CI 


I-H  O 


to'S  : 

.t^  c!  : 

if  2  m 

cj  0)  c  <5 

P  e  cj 
-So 

CO  =y  i2  s  o  "i  "3 

ii   O   ^.    C  ci  O 


■^    ClJ 
CO    o    o 

CO     ^    .«J 

o)   2   y^ 
o 


o 

c3 


fA  to  -S  53 


<U  CO  CO    S 

ZJ  ^^  'r-t       "* 

.«  OJ  o  tn  ^ 

^•i  a  3  rri  S 

q;  o  ?;   ^  o 

a>   ™  ci  rt  -^,5 

to  .-^ 


c  S 


„   -    ^2^5^fS5" 

rt^      /i^      ^^      ^:   ^^    ^^        '        ^     ■♦^    ^  .^ - 

.SiSiSScjcitoCoVS: 


'3  'a 


'i.^ 
a:?^ 


a> 

~2      § 

o 

C3 

a 

0 

C 

> 

CO           & 
tH            O 

c4 
S 

a 

0 

c5 

^      a 

tc 

O 

cj 
J5 

=y 

• 

o 

o           1> 

o     ,a 

> 

-a 

r3 

0 

■^      a 

.2 

7-* 

a 
o 

sa 

o 

a 

c3 

CO 

60 

a 

00 

oT 
a 

CD 

o        d 

o     2 

o 

tc 

3 

ci 

0 

ii        to 

b 

r*U 

.2  1 

t£ 

0  ; 

o 
o 
;-! 
o 

S 

c 

c3 

O 

N 

3 

O 

a 

b 

o 

u 

a     "^ 

=i        o 
'rt      a 

a 

c 

•*- 
C4 

a 

a 

o 

s 

C3 

0 

"a 

a 
0 

a     a 

O)          0 
0        1 

§   .s 

tn 

a 

0) 

a 

a 
j-1 

t« 

j2 

HH 

f— < 

ci 

'55 

a 

S 

a 

c 

•*^ 
ci 

K 

a 
0 

»^  I 

-a 

-♦3 

C 
(a 

O 

tn 

3 

■a    s 

eg      ^ 

CC  OJ 

•3     J.^ 
0       0 

3b  "o  1 

0    o3 

^^1 

r^co 

incM 

1— T-OCDCO 

CO  l^lfS 

UD 

CO  CO  0  OJ 

CD 

Tj- 

CMCN 

CM  C-l  CM  CM  CN  T—  1— 

T—   T—   1— 

^^ 

1      I      ^- 

H — 

-( 1 1 — 

O  CO 

OOThr-'+i— 1— 

T-I-^O 

o 

0000 

0 

-!f 

o  lo 

(O  CO  O  T—  CM  LO  CO 

loocn 

o 

0  10  0  CM 

CO 

<Ji 

C£>  I— 

■I— CM  CN  CO  CT)  Ln  CO 

05  CO  I— 

o 

OOCMOCM 

CO 

T-CN 

•<-CMCD                COi— 

•* 

lO 

'" 

' 

OJCO 

CO  CO  CO  CD  00  t^  t^ 

■«*•■<*  CO 

,_ 

t-i->-Cn« 

eo 

T— 

CM 

'" 

O  Ci 

"^ 

>o  X 

C>1  T-I  CC  iT'  CO 

CO   -^    r-l 

r-4 

0  CO  -rjl  Ci 

c- 

r~i 

■^  CO 

>o  o 

1-1  c~  -^  -^  o 

i.O  --S  -H 

o 

T-I    C5  t-  1-1 

0 

CO  , 

ec  tr- 

«0  t~  O  O  O  CO  CD 

01  O  CO 

00 

M<  0  0  t~ 

■* 

CM 

C5  lO 

00  'ra  C-1  ■*  00  <M  O 

CO  01  CO 

CO 

CO  C<I  CM  ^ 

0 

'^    1 

.-( 

I-H  (M 

>o           >-o 

CO 

-^ 

1-1  rH 

y-< 

1      -^  >o 

(M  C5  CO  O  IM  (M  00 

rH  tH  CO 

-* 

CO  -*   t- 

t» 

CM 

!      c<)  i-H 

r-(  IM 

CO  rH   CO  t-  rH 

o.-)  O  '^ 

(N 

1    CO  CO  -H 

c- 

00 

(N 

i-H  t~  CO  >-0  O  CO  i-t 

lO  1-1  CM 

tH 

1             CO 

1-K 

■^ 

t-  O       t-i  -r< 

tH 

0 

T-\ 

Ol 

1—1 



05  T-l 

«: 

CO  lO  (35  CO  Ol 

CO  c;  ^ 

00 

CO  rH 

a 

CM 

O  CO 

„    cs  o  CM  cni  oc  >o 

»0  C5  CO 

t- 

.    -    t~»o 

*     *     CM  Ca 

U5 

0 

t-  o 

*     C<)  O  CM  O  O  O 

Tl<   i^   1-1 

CO 

tr- 

C5 

rH  ■'tl                 CM 

(M 

1 

eo  OS 

C5  CO  t~-  cq  o  -t<  c- 

O  C-CO 

oo 

0  c-  >ra  ■•* 

ie 

1< 

CO  i-l 

CO  1-1 

Ca  O  -t<  CO  Ci 

t-    -^     T-I 

CO 

CO  CO  >ra  CO 

10 

CM 

C5  o 

1-1  CO  O  O  Ol  t-  00 

lO  C5  »o 

CO 

-<*<       -^  0 

CO 

-* 

r-l  iH 

<N  CO  t-  1-1  1-1  CO 

rH  iH 

CO 

T-^  rH 

rH 

CO  -H 

■<1<  ^  UO  CO  CO  CO  GO 

■sjl  -rjt  lO 

a 

CO  CO  0  C5 

0 

CO   ; 

C-  O) 

1—1  c— 

1— H  r^  *f  »-'^  -^ 

CD  CO  00 

rH 

CO  Ci  CO  >o 

00 

•^ 

1        00  iM 

■*  -^ 

>0  C5  C^  CM  CO 

i-(  'Tt*  CM 

>o> 

<Zi  <:i^^~^ 

GO 

rH 

I        lO  CO 

<0  O  CI  <N  -*  00  C- 

lO  CO  iH 

CO 

^a  r-\CiO\ 

10 

CM   : 

1—1  1-1 

CM                  1-1 

CM 

CO 



(M  CO 

O  ^  >0  -«  C5  CO 

tr-LO  O 

C<1 

0  CO 

i-H 

0 

i-H  O 

*  >o 

CO  lO  CM  crs  C5 

Ol  CM  O 

■^ 

•     *     rH  C5 

CO 

t~ 

t-  o 

C-. 

O  Ol  Cr:  CO  O 

O  CO  i-( 

00 

CO  r>\ 

t~ 

0 

1— i 



Ol 

TJ<                         CO 

1—) 

— 

— 



— 

: 

o 


coja  ~  '" 

,_!  -►J  O  rt 

^   n  a  ^ 

rH  a  a  a> 

"-I  ^  rH 


>1 


"IS 


a  a  ?  a 
55  =  5  --^ 


(UTS 

o 


N  !:;  a  -^ 
.'a    ,.2  *-" 


r:  'o  a  a 
orS    .  i») 

_     o    CJ    Cj 

—"+=;-:..  .*Hjo      ooosS 

g  '"^,§ 

«o  2'« 
3  a  q^  a 

;:2  2-^  8 

^     ^     2     -a 
;^     CO     ^     C3 


jr  a  ^o 


b  '3  (u  ^ 


to 


to 

a 


• 

• 

I     03 

>      rH 

■   a> 

<s> 

:  0 

<A 

.  U3   c- 

p: 

:  cj  << 

a 

CD    I-'    cfi  ^  ' 


,0 

0 

3 

c3 

PhhJ 

m        .a  O 

tn         >  cj 

"^      t/:  a 

^  55 


PhPh 


;  cj- 

r-" 

;  s 
1  «; 


cj  a 

CO  ca  i 


r2tH  g  tc-t; 

■ — '     <D  ;-i  _-  ^^ 

"-*  ._,  -*J  "^-i        ^ 

^3    O  CO    rj    Qj 

,-Q    ^  G    c3  "*^ 


c5    >; 


1.1.2  g^  & 
'S  rt  3  "^  "S  ^ 

HOCC       PhK 


o 

»H 

c3 
o 

a" 

a 

rH 
Ci 

o 


.2  -^     >»   a   rn'    e   '■■^ 

^      C3    'g      C    r3      O  ra      „: 

-SaSrt^-^trj; 
S-l  a  g^JJS.S-^ 

l^c^a    .*;| 
;^P3.2.a  5^    ." 

— :Ei-H  zi  -^^  r^  o  r'TT 

5^^^     ao      cj<j!'Sai^-i 

2   3b  q   I  .3  *"  r^  -^        rt  •-   a.  j; 
hSSj  .a^^os'^ 

rHCOpiy^OCS-^jCS 
l^l      rt*      O  .    >    n«(      rH      f  J 


>,=^o 


W 


2  a. 
cS.2 


S-a 


CC 

o 


(D  i-i 

:-<  i> 

3  3 

-5  5 

c3  h 


^   r^f      ^     f-> 

j;  5  g  ^li 

C  ^    '•-*    zj 


-CM  c^.a^- 

'cn 
a> 


CO 


o 

o  a  to  a  H^ '-'  iH 

r-              <U        _    1>^   O  ^ 

S'rH       P-WCO       3  JJ 

3:3. a  o-x  02  j: 

g^;      g      S-H      ^      O  • 

°    O    O    ce    O    g 


Ci  1- 


_2 

o  ra 


•^  2  c3  C3  tc  a  Z-^  » 
<)  "^  o  aj  a 

C^  "^        O)  ,         _        r- 

O_00o:-'^'r33 

og-^a-aoo" 
•  -""^a^Sra?! 

^^   r^   ._     z;    CO        •—    tD 

^°tCf5aicncn,o 


.12   0) 

c3  ,a  a 
-a*"  o  ^ 

;i  tc  a  t; 

P    3    O    o 

o  J   > 

Cfi'.^^    O 

J^--  5 

■3  -  en  rS 

P  CO    ^.    ^ 

s:  <i>  o   3 

.  t"  rO    2 

CO  o  ai-^ 

?;  g-S  a 
•-  3  a  •- 
■S  e-"ra 

.^  So  == 

ol  S-a 

3  i^  -  "^ 
a  3^-2 


-a 


r- 

tb 

o 

o 
o 
o_ 

o" 

era 

"5 


a  a) 

cj  ",2  to  „ 

H  cj  "S  2 

<D  a  ra 


o  -3 


>»  5 


OJ 


,  C3    O  ' 


o  C;  ^.  „ 

a"^  rf  -g  <p  3  -B  S  2 
a    "go^^^c.  - 

«       -^-       r,  r,  _ 

o     £<   3~    CM 


3   <i> 


??5a  .^' 


>»r2     §     '^ 

. — I  T3    ^    CO 
0)  ^-!   HJ    O 


2  i.o' 


-^    rQ       9     "^ 

55  HJ  c3  ^ 

^     r^      !? 


CO     . 

5"  2  a  *  rii 
5^  o  g  3T: 
CD  «<-<  cj  c5  c; 
>  O  ^  o  -73 
o  _  ^ 
-3"^    .0.3 

15  '^*°  a  5  -5    -tf-o 
fhoPo,    "coas 

,    EfS-eo-gogS 

c3^^.2-3-rH3 
jo         a  ,^3  ^ 


O    cS 

55  ^  > 
,2 '3 


.^  o 


o 
o 

:«     to 

o<1 


5  o 


3 

a 

a  S  a""' 

ce-^.2  2 

■H    "^       C2       O 

o   cj  .3   i; 
CJ   o   o   S 

^    CO    o 


tc 
o 


o 

CO 


-  -    CO 
O    cJ  I 


Hr- 


O)  ■ 


CO 


rfJ.^' 


-  o 


^.^.^  ^  2.tco  3  5-3^:2 
,1-3    raa'r:o55rH„   .r-^ 


o 
o 


n3 

a 

eg 


c3 


.£PS  C3 


^^  °-s^^ 


o  r-  o  .a  ^^ 

■'H     ^   O     "^     3 


a.  -  to  5r3 
■a  "^  5  tc-- 


5:  a 


03 


as   N   a   o 

'a  <^        -  s 

■*^  &  2  -^^  o  "' 

03     CO  _q' 
to     Sh  —^ 

C3     03 


^  ?  a 

o 


CO 

^    t"    S^  C3 

2  ^2  o 

-go 

"  tcr^  a 

03  a  -S 

O    to  c3  ;a 

O     b     rH  O 


3  "^ 
c3  ^ 
Mi" 


0,3 


a  "^ 


3.2   ^ 


p,  £-M_r> 


CS 

?    to  3    "^    - 


o  -ce  -^ 


2SS  g-aS 

~*^  c  El  So  3  2 

►S-S  8  2^^22 
a  c  ri  =«      03  r-H 

C3   >H  H   O         PhM2 


tH     O  rT3  l=i 
•  2     "^     03     o 

■^  !i.  a  a 
S"^  a  ^ 

a  to  .^^ 

O    ^  l— I    C3 


o 


rO 
P 

P4 


10 


14G  SURVEY  AXD    COXCLUSIONS. 

Ju  the  whole  j^ronp  inchidcd  in  the  foregoing  table  there  is 
a  total  membership  of  1-47,300  trade  unionists,  out  of  about 
480,500  employed  males  over  twenty  years  of  age  occupied 
in  the  trades  enumerated.  It  may  be  assumed  that  those 
above  this  age  include  practically  all  w^ho  are  eligible  for 
membership  of  the  various  trade  unions,  and  in  these  trades 
we  therefore  have  a  total  of  over  30  per  cent,  who  are 
members.  If  we  add  the  30,000,  or  thereabouts,  omitted 
from  the  table  for  various  reasons,  we  have  a  grand  total  of 
from  177,000  to  180,000  trade  unionists,  equivalent  to 
13^  per  cent,  of  the  adult  male  population  of  London;  to 
14^  per  cent,  of  the  total  of  those  who  are  occupied;  and 
to  oh  per  cent,  of  the  total  population.* 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  table  that  in  few  cases  are  the 
members  of  a  single  trade  combined  in  a  single  society. 
Altogether,  the  trade  unionists  of  London  are  divided 
among  some  250  separate  organizations,  and  the  average 
membership,  if  equally  divided  among  all  the  societies, 
would  be  a  little  over  700.  Apart  from  the  Civil  Service 
and  professional  organizations,  only  thirty-five  have 
a  membership  of  more  than  one  thousand.  To  these 
operative  builders  contribute  seven  ;  labour,  seven ;  iron 
and  steel  workers,  four ;  printers  and  allied  trades,  three ; 
boot  and  shoe  makers,  two;  railway  service,  two;  and 
cabinet-makers,  shipwrights,  bookbinders,  tailors,  tobacco- 
workers,  bakers  and  confectioners,  carmen,  stevedores,  sea- 
men, and  lightermen,  one  each.  These  thirty-five  societies 
account  for  about  112,000  of  the  total,  and  thus  average 
about  3200  members,  while  all  the  remaining  societies, 
again  excluding  the  Civil  Service  and  professional  bodies, 
have,  on  the  average,  only  slightly  more  than  200  members. 

•  Tliis  last  figure  corresponds  exactly  with  the  percentage  given  by 
llr.  and  Mrs.  Sidney  Webb  for  the  wider  Metropolitan  area  included  in 
their  definition  of  London,  comprising  a  population  of  over  five  and  a  half 
millions  instead  of  our  total  of  something  under  four  and  a  quarter  millions. 
(Vide  "  History  of  Trade  Unionism,"  1894,  p.  489.) 


TRADE   UNIONS.  147 

''Too  many  unions   and  too  little  unity"   is  a  dictum  of 
wide  application  in  tlie  trade  union  world. 

Some  of  the  effects  of  this  disintegration  may  be  seen  by 
comparing  the  position  of  the  painters  with  that  of  the 
general  labourers.  In  both  cases  the  practical  difficulties 
of  organization  are  very  great,  but  it  cannot  be  doubted 
that  while  the  painters  are  greatly  weakened  by  the 
number  of  small  unions  without  any  great  power  of 
cohesion,  the  group  of  labourers  is  made  comparatively 
strong  by  the  much  greater  concentration  of  its  members. 
And  even  in  the  latter  case  the  multiplication  of  societies 
has  led  to  a  considerable  amount  of  overlapping  and 
friction,  due  to  the  absence  of  close  co-operation  between 
the  ditferent  organizations  and  to  the  consequent  difficulty 
of  preventing  members  who  have  fallen  into  arrears  in 
one  society  from  joining  another  for  which  they  are 
equally  eligible,  and  which  may,  especially  in  the 
absence  of  friendly  benefits,  answer  their  purpose  equally 
well. 

But  divided  though  the  membership  of  m^ny  of  the 
societies  may  be,  and  small  though  the  total  proportion  of 
members  is,  we  must  be  especially  on  our  guard  against 
estimating  by  numbers  the  extent  of  the  influence  exerted, 
numbers,  indeed,  representing  often  rather  the  nucleus 
of  this  influence  than  the  measure.  In  a  few  instances 
the  figures  may  convey  an  exaggerated  impression  of 
strength,  these  cases  being  generally  either  unions  of 
unskilled  labour  or  those  of  old-established  and  well- 
organized,  but  declining  trades;  but  as  a  rule  the  reverse 
is  true.  The  active  influence  of  a  society  is  generally  far 
wider  than  the  circle  of  its  own  particular  members. 
Moreover,  the  principle  of  trade  unionism  is  more  widely 
spread  than  its  form.  In  many  trades  that  are  entirely 
unortxaiiized,  there  is  nevertheless  a  valuable  consciousness 
of  the  right  of  combination  with  all  its  latent  possibilities, 
and  even,  it  may  be,  a  recognition  that  the  establishment 
V  10  * 


143  SUnVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

and  maintenance  of  beneficial  customs  are  not  unconnected 
with  the  underlying  principles  of  association. 

Perhaps,  also,  in  this  connection  should  be  mentioned 
the  power  of  temporary  combination  possessed  by  those 
who  are  not,  and  probably  could  not  be,  permanently 
org-anized.  Even  if  the  spasmodic  demonstrations  of  com- 
bined action,  made  for  a  special  purpose,  cease  when  the 
attempt  has  succeeded  or  failed,  they  are  not  unimportant 
as  proofs  of  the  recognition  by  all  classes  of  workers  of 
their  full  right  and  ability  to  take  corporate  action  if 
they  will.  The  cases  of  the  match-girls  and  dock- 
labourers  have  shown  clearly  that  the  possession  of 
this  reserve  of  power  would  be  recognized  and  could  bo 
used  by  almost  every  section  of  wage-earners,  if  occasion 
should  demand  it.  Again,  we  find  that  beneficial  effects 
sometimes  endure  even  after  active  union  has  ceased,  and 
even  when  tho  main  claim  has  been  won  and  lost  agfain. 
Thus,  in  the  case  of  the  oil-millers,  who  joined  the  Dock 
Labourers'  Union  in  the  flush  of  enthusiasm  of  1889  and 
secured  a  rise  in  wages  at  that  time,  although  wages 
have  now  again  fallen,  the  improvement  in  conditions  as 
regards  overtime,  meal  times,  and  sanitary  arrangements 
has  continued. 

Although  the  figures  indicate  the  narrowness  of  the  field 
that  many  of  the  societies  cover,  the  spectacle  they  present 
of  many  small  centres  of  independent  origin  illustrates 
the  spontaneity  of  trade  union  expansion.  Occasionally 
we  find  a  big  society  springing  suddenly  into  existence, 
but  its  stability  is  generally  in  inverse  proportion  to  tho 
rapidity  of  its  growth.  The  normal  process  is  for  local 
societies  to  be  formed  and  for  the  larger  and  more  success- 
ful of  these  to  absorb  or  eliminate  the  smaller  and  less 
successful,  subsequent  expansion  most  frequently  taking 
the  shape  of  the  establishment  of  branches  afiiliated  to 
the  parent  society. 


TRADE   UNIONS.  149 

At  other  times  this  process  of  amalgamation  is  reversed, 
and  a  considerable  number  of  existing  societies  trace  their 
origin  to  a  splitting  off  from  the  parent  organization,  due 
it  may  be  to  some  new  trade  development,  or  to  an  internal 
difference  on  some  question  of  union  policy.  But  integra- 
tion, rather  than  disintegration,  is  the  more  frequent  sequel 
to  local  independent  initiative. 

Federation  is  a  further  step,  undertaken  to  secure  the 
combined,  action,  sometimes  of  the  members  of  a  single 
trade  when  they  are  divided  up  among  several  societies,  and. 
sometimes  of  the  different  societies  of  an  allied  group  of 
trades.  The  movement  towards  concentration  has  been 
active  during  the  past  few  years, "^  but  effective  amalgama- 
tion must  of  necessity  be  of  slow  growth,  and  strong 
federations  are  as  yet  very  rai'ely  found.  Recent 
instances  of  amalgamation  are  seen  in  the  cases  of  the 
upholsterers ;  the  French  polishers ;  and  the  plate  glass 
workers,  all  belonging  to  a  group  of  trades  in  which 
the  force  of  organization  has  been  greatly  weakened  by 
decentralization ;  of  the  farriers,  and  of  the  stevedores. 
Of  Federation,  London  off'ers  now  no  conspicuously  strong 
example.  No  group  of  trades  can  be  said  fully  to  have 
overcome  the  difficult  task  of  forming  a  strong  protective 
organization  that  combines  the  advantages  of  centralized 
common  action  with  the  maintenance  of  the  necessary 
independence  of  the  constituent  societies.  We  see  the 
difficulties  manifested  by  the  weak  position  of  the  London 
Building  Trades'  Federation  during  the  various  building 
trade  strikes  of  1896 — a  position  largely  resulting  from  the 
almost  complete  absence  of  federated  action  on  the  part  of 
the  associated  societies  during  the  latter  half  of  1895  and 
from  the  subsequent  series  of  disputes.  We  have  the  same 
difficulties  showing  themselves,  in  the  case  of   a  national 

*  It  is  noteworthy  that  of  the  seventy-five  Federations  of  Trade  Unions 
in  the  United  Kingdom  enumerated  in  the  second  Annual  Eeport  of  the 
Labour  Department  (1895),  only  seventeen  were  formed  prior  to  1S90. 


150  SUErEY  AND    CONCLUSIOXS. 

federation,  in  the  looseness  of  tlie  tie  between  the 
nominally  federated  societies  of  the  carriage  building 
trade,  explained,  it  would  appear,  by  the  fear  on  the 
part  of  the  London  men  of  being  "bossed"  by  Liver- 
pool ;  and  again  in  the  case  of  the  National  Federation 
of  Coopers.  Among  the  brass  workers  a  London 
Federation  exists,  but  a  more  important  source  of  strength 
of  the  Metropolitan  Societies  in  this  group  is  found  in 
their  affiliation  to  a  National  Association  of  kindred 
bodies. 

In  the  London  Trades'  Council  the  trade  unionists  of 
the  Metropolis  possess  the  machinery  of  a  central  con- 
sultative and  propagandist  body.  It  has  a  somewhat 
fluctuating  membership,  however,  and  although  active 
politically  from  time  to  time,  cannot  be  said  to  exercise 
a  great  influence  on  the  Trade  Union  Movement  in  London. 
The  representative  strength  of  the  Council  was  about 
69,000  in  1895. 

On  the  whole,  in  spite  of  certain  opposing  tendencies 
trade  unionism  is  to  be  regarded  rather  as  representing  an 
expanded  form  of  individualism  than  any  thorough  col- 
lectivism. Each  society  tends  to  develop  a  strong  corporate 
sense  which  is  apt  to  dominate  the  minds  of  the  chief 
executive  officers,  and  is  often  also  prevalent  among  the 
general  body  of  members.  This  is  a  source  of  weakness  in 
60  far  as  it  narrows  outlook,  hampers  action,  and  increases 
expense,  but  of  strength  in  so  far  as  it  ensures  loyalty  and 
devotion. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  at  least  seventy-five  of  the 
societies  included  in  the  table  on  pp.  144-145  are  purely 
Metropolitan,  and,  big  though  London  is,  and  highly  localized 
though  many  of  its  trades  are,  the  dangers  of  narrowness  of 
outlook  are  increased  when  the  executive  responsibilities 
thus  cover  only  a  portion  of  the  workers  of  a  single  trade. 
Their  members  are  not  easily  brought  "  to  understand 
that   the    well-being   of    a    whole    trade,  and    not    of  any 


in  ABE    UNIONS.  151 

one  section  of  it,  is  that  wliicli  has  first  to  be 
considered/'  and  there  is  great  danger,  therefore,  that 
the  necessity  may  be  oveidooked  of  taking  action 
with  due  reference  to  the  conditions  prevailing  in 
the  same  trade,  in  other  parts  of  the  country  or  even 
abroad.  The  parochialism  of  the  outlook  tends  to  become 
still  more  pronounced  in  the  case  of  those  trades  in  which 
not  one  but  several  local  societies  exist,  as  in  the  cases 
of  the  painters  with  fourteen ;  of  the  cabinet-making 
group  with  twenty-three;  and  of  the  workers  ia  metals 
other  than  iron  and  steel,  the  leather  trades,  and  printing 
and  allied  trades,  with  sixteen  societies  each.  Of  these 
eighty-five  societies,  at  least  thirty-seven  operate  only  iu 
London. 


III. — Oedinaey  Functions  op  Trade  Unions. 

Every  hond  fide  trade  union  is  a  protective  association, 
and  in  the  conflict  of  opinion  in  recent  years  with  regard 
to  the  proper  functions  of  these  organizations  we  have  had 
a  recrudescence  of  the  old  controversy  as  to  whether  or  not 
they  should  endeavour  to  be  anything  more. 

Differences  of  opinion  on  this  point  still  exist,  but  the 
balance  is  overwhelmingly  on  the  side  of  the  wider  inter- 
pretation of  the  rightful  sphere  of  trade  union  action. 
This  conclusion  has  been  forced  even  on  the  members  of 
many  of  the  societies  which  were  started  in  1889,  and  in 
the  yeai'S  immediately  following,  on  the  opposite  principle, 
and  is  now  admitted  by  many  of  those  who  for  a  time  held 
strongly  to  the  belief  that  the  true  unionism  was  purely 
militant  in  form.  Experience  has  once  more  shown  that 
only  in  very  exceptional  cases  can  this  narrow  interpre- 
tation of  objects  ensure  permanency.  In  certain  trades 
in  which,  for  example,  the  changing  conditions  of  the  basis 


152  SVEVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIOXS. 

ou  wbicli  "^vages  are  calculated  demand  constant  watcli- 
fnlncss,  or  ^vllen  an  elaborate  and  varying  schedule  of 
piece-work  rates  Las  to  be  maintained^  or  when,  as  witli 
government  servants,  tlie  members  are  a  compact  class  in 
permanent  eniployment,  a  protective  form  of  association 
may  suflice.  But,  as  a  rule,  tlio  bond  thus  offered  is  too 
weak.  The  forces  drawing  men  together  are  too  inter- 
mittent and  tlie  sense  of  gain  secui'ed  too  vague  for  the 
ordinary  man,  who  will  not  be  regular  in  liis  subscriptions 
to  his  trade  society  unless  he  feels  that  he  is  receiving  an 
equivalent  for  his  money.  This  he  is  unable  to  detect 
in  the  obscure  and  somewhat  abstract  advantages  of 
organization  pure  and  simple,  and  in  the  mere  possibility 
of  combined  action  so  pi'ovidcd.  It  is,  therefore,  only  at 
times  of  dispute  that  the  purely  protective  bond  is  likely 
to  satisfy.  Thus  elements  of  instability  and  unrest,  and 
a  desire  to  justify  its  existence  by  some  extraneous 
corporate  movement,  tends  to  accompany  a  simply  militant 
organization  and  to  weaken  its  power  as  a  persistent  and 
steadying  force  in  industrial  relationships. 

In  addition  to  purely  protective  aims,  of  which  the  most 
general  are  the  giving  of  dispute  pay,  the  securing  of  legal 
aid  in  differences  arising  upon  questions  of  employment, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  necessary  executive  officers, 
the  following  table  will  illustrate  the  variety  of  further 
objects,  one  or  more  of  which  the  great  majority  of 
unions  have  in  view.  The  particulars  refer  to  the  ]  76 
London  societies  from  which  details  of  benefits  have  been 
obtained : — 


TRADE    UNIONS. 


1C3 


T'lhle  of  Benefits  offered  hy  London  Trade  Societies. 


Description  of  Benefits  Offered. 

3* 

o 

O    rj) 

U) 

o 

. 

■M 

c 

a 

to 

R 

4J 

v. 

?1^ 

C5 

c 

Tr.ADE3. 

o 

5 

^ 

o 
M 

OS 
o 

o 

'5 
->5 

'tn 

C 

'a 

2 

Cm 
O 
W 
W 

,2 

p 

o 
c 

■u 

9 
m 

'o 
o 
W 

o 

'o 
o 

o 

3 

21 

16 

8 

21 

wPh 

H 

Building  trades   

710 

4 

3 

1 

2 

12 

35 

C'abinct-makers,  &c 

17 

7 

11 

1 

2 

4 

5 

1 

19 

2 

2 

23 

Carriage  builders, coopers, 
shipwrights 

7 

1 

10 

6 

fi 

3 

_ 

12 

1 

7 

20 

Iron  and  steel  trades 

1412 

18 

10 

8 

2 

3 

3 

19 

— 

— 

19 

Workers  in  other  metals 

111  3 

10 

1 

4 

1 

— 

4 

11 

1 

4 

IG 

Printing  and  allied  trades 

13   4 

8 

— 

5 

— 

— 

— 

14 

2 

IG 

Bookbinding    and    paper 
manufacture   

7 

R 

fi 

4 

0; 

S 

8 

Precious   metals,  clocks, 
and  instruments 

11 

9, 

7 

1 

2 

1 

1 

13 

3 

IG 

Glass,  &c.,  leather,  sad-) 
dlery,  &  brush-making 

10 

4 

C 

— 

4 

2 

1 

1 

18 

1 

11 

30 

Tailors,  boot   and   shoe- 
makers, hatters,  c&c.  ... 

5 

8 

8 

— 

4 

4 

— 

— 

8 

6 

2 

16 

Tobacco,      bakers,     and 

4 

f^ 

A 

1 

f, 

G 

confectioners     

Eailway     service,    dock. 

gas,  and  various  labour  • 

3 

1 

n 

5 

2 

1 

— 

— 

10 

4 

G 

20 

sections    

40 

48 

20 

IG 

13 

115I61 

121 

159 

17 

49 

225 

The  subscriptions  to  tlie  various  societies  range  from  2d 
to  2s  3cZ  per  week.  Out  of  167  that  have  been  analyzed, 
from  2d  to  M  is  paid  in  108  societies;  from  Id  to  Is  in  47; 
fi'om  Is  to  2s  in  10;  and  in  two  cases  2s  is  exceeded.  The 
most  common  subscription  is  Qd,  Avhich  is  paid  by  37 
societies,  while  od  is  paid  by  24 ;  2d  by  23 ;  Ad  by  20 ;  U 
by  15;  and  9tZ  by  13.  In  the  larger  and  more  important 
societies  somewhat  the  larger  subscriptions  are  paid  on  the 
average,  72  per  cent,  of  those  with  a  membersliip  of  200  or 
less  raising  Qd  or  less  per  week,  as  compared  with  57  per 
cent,  of  those  with  more  than  200  members  in  which 
equally  small  subscriptions  are  paid. 


1-4  SUIiVJEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

Tho  analysis  iucludes  every  coiubiuation  of  bcneOt. 
Superaunuatiou  or  pension  is  offered  only  by  the  richer 
societies,  and  the  amount  of  benefit  under  the  various 
heads,  especially  sick-pay  and  ont-of-work  allowance,  and. 
the  periods  for  which  they  can  be  claimed,  show  a  corre- 
sponding relationship  to  tho  subscriptions,  which  are 
themselves,  as  a  rule,  roughly  proportional  to  wages. 
In  a  few  cases  the  societies  have  an  emigration  fund, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  an  expansion  of  the  more 
common  travelling  benefit. 

In  only  seventeen  out  of  the  total  of  17G  societies  for 
which  we  liave  an  analysis  of  objects,  are  protective 
benefits  alone  offered.  In  a  certain  number  of  additional 
cases  there  is  a  "trade  section,"  which  members  can 
join  at  any  age.  Older  men  are  often  eligible  for  this 
section  alone,  since  they  would  be  too  costly  as  members  if 
they  could  claim  benefits  other  than  those  of  a  strictly 
protective  character.  For  some  of  the  more  important 
benefits  membership  is  not  infrequently  optional. 

The  preceding  table  gives  details  of  the  benefits  that  are 
promised,  but  since  trade  unions,  in  common  with  limited 
companies,  building  societies,  or  other  corporate  under- 
takings, have  no  guarantee  against  insolvency,  they  some- 
times fail  to  meet  their  liabilities.  In  imj^ortant  societies 
this  rarely  happens,  and  although  few  could  stand  the 
test  of  an  actuarial  valuation  with  regard  to  those  of  their 
liabilities  that  could  be  thus  calculated,  the  past  experience 
of  trade  unions  provides,  with  few  exceptions,  a  good 
financial  record.  In  some  cases  a  readjustment  of  benefits 
has  been  found  necessary,  but,  on  the  whole,  in  the  elasticity 
of  the  special  levy  a  financial  expedient  has  been  found 
by  means  of  which  times  of  exceptional  stress  have  been 
successfully  met. 

Various  rules  are  adopted  to  maintain  financial  stability. 
In  some  cases,  as  in  those  of  the  compositors  and  the 
amalgamated  carpenters  and  joiners,  the  reserve  per  member 


TRADE    UNIONS.  Uo 

is    not   allowed    to    fall    below   a   certain    fixed    miniinutu. 


levies  being  imposed  to  secure  a  readjustment  should  this 
happen.  In  others,  a  certain  aggregate  minimum  reserve  is 
fixed  independently  of  the  total  membership  of  the  society, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  operative  masons.  In  a  few  societies, 
again,  there  are  special  safeguards  for  particular  benefits, 
as  with  the  day-working  bookbinders,  whose  charge  for 
superannuation  allowance  is  controlled  by  a  rule  that  limits 
the  numbers  receiving  this  form  oE  help  to  a  certain 
fixed  proportion  of  the  total  financial  membership  of  the 
society.  The  peculiar  difficulty  attending  the  administi'ation 
of  trade  union  funds,  the  dependence  of  such  expenditure 
as  that  for  unemployed  benefit  upon  fluctuating  trade 
conditions,  and  the  impossibility  of  reducing  many  of  the 
funds  to  actuarial  law — all  these  bear  witness  to  the 
sagacity  and  caution  which  have  overcome  stumbling 
blocks  so  serious. 

It  is  to  friendly  benefits  that  the  greater  part  of  trade 
union  expenditure  is  devoted.*     Many  of  them,    such  as 

•  The  following  figures,  extracted  from  the  Eeport  on  Trade  Unions 
by  the  Chief  Labour  Correspondent  of  the  Labour  Department  (1894), 
illustrate  this.  The  figures  refer  to  the  whole  country.  Returns  were 
received  from  832  yocieties,  with  a  membership  of  1,25(),448.  Their  expendi- 
ture during  the  year  amounted  to  £1,789,280  and  was  distributed  as  follows: 

£  £ 

Trade  Benefits  :  Dispute  ....     232,006 
Other  Benefits  and 

Grants     .     .     .       52,821 

284,827 


Provident  Benefits  :  Out  of  Work  .  534,382 

Sick 229,017 

Accident.     .     .     .  24,152 

Superannuation   .  129,007 

Funeral  ....  87,386 


■Grants  to  other  Trade  Unions, 

Federation  Payments,  etc.   .     123,474 
Working  and  other  expenses   .     377,035 


1,003,944 


500,509 
£1,789,280 


i:6  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

sick  and  superannuation  allowance,  constitute  a  permanent 
and  approximately  fixed  charge  upon  the  societies  that 
offer  them.  The  unemployed  benefit  is  a  much  more 
varying  item,  and  protective  charges  rise  or  fall  to  a  still 
greater  extent;  sometimes,  during  a  period  of  dispute, 
pressing  heavily  upon  the  members — even  necessitating, 
it  may  be,  an  appeal  to  other  associations — at  other  times 
representing  during  long  periods  but  a  small  and  perhaps 
insignificant  proportion  of  the  total  expenditure.  There 
is  no  correspondence,  therefore,  between  the  two  forms 
of  claim.  There  is,  indeed,  a  certain  incongruity  in  their 
combination  inasmuch  as  the  very  benefits  which,  generally 
speaking,  are  almost  indispensable  as  a  steadying  force 
and  as  providing  a  permanent  l)ond  of  membership,  are 
also  those  which  most  restrict  the  freedom  of  protective 
action. 

Such  protective  action  is  in  the  main  concerned 
with  the  employers,  but  it  is  important  to  remember  that 
not  a  few  societies  have  within  the  scope  of  their  defined 
objects  the  regulation  of  the  relations  of  'Svorkmen  and 
workmen  "  as  well  as  those  of  workmen  and  employers. 

The  relations  of  workmen  and  workmen  need  regulating 
from  the  trade  union  point  of  view  mainly  from  two  causes 
— (1)  from  the  force  of  individual  interest  acting  upon 
workmen  of  the  same  class  and  leading  them  to  depart  from 
the  recognised  terms  of  employment  in  their  trade :  as,  for 
instance,  to  take  work  on  contract  and  to  sub-let  when  such 
practice  is  forbidden;  or  to  work  under  the  current  scale  of 
wages ;  or  to  do  something  that  is  contrary  to  the  accepted 
conditions  of  the  trade  and  that  confers  what  then  becomes 
an  unfair  advantage  upon  the  offending  member. 

But  (2)  an  equally  important  reason  for  this  form  of 
regulation  arises  from  the  overlapping  between  occupa- 
tion and  occupation.  Well-known  instances  of  this  aro 
seen  in  the  cases  of  the  artisan  or  mechanic  and  the 
assistant    labourer,  when    the    latter    is   forbidden    to  use 


TltABE    UNIONS.  157 

the  skilled  man's  tools ;  in  the  definition,  or  attempted 
definition,  of  the  spheres  of  work  of  such  trades  as  the 
shipwrights  and  ships'  carpenters ;  of  masons  and  brick- 
layers where  they  come  together ;  or  of  plumbers  and  fitters. 
Cases  of  the  overlapping  of  the  spheres  of  employment 
of  boys  and  females  with  those  of  adult  male  labour  are 
somewhat  analogous  ;  and  under  the  same  general  heading 
may  be  brought  all  attempts  to  regulate  the  relation  of 
unionists  and  non-unionists.  lu  such  cases,  however,  the 
employer  comes  in  as  a  directly  interested  third  party,  and 
these  regulations  may  perhaps  be  more  appropriately 
regarded  as  similar  in  kind  to  those  of  the  more  important 
class  of  protective  functions  that  are  concerned  with  the 
relations  of  employers  and  employed. 

With  regard  to  these  it  must  be  noted  at  the  outset  that 
the  special  objects  of  the  trade  society  and  the  interests 
of  the  employers  are  by  no  means  uniformly  in  opposition. 
Sometimes  they  are  even  identical,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Mat  and  Matting  Weavers'  Trade  Society,  the  efforts  of 
which  are  mainly  directed  against  the  sale,  in  the  open 
market,  of  prison -made  goods.  But  at  other  times  the 
identity  of  interest,  although  it  may  be  very  real,  is  less  easy 
to  detect.  It  has  often  to  be  sought  for  in  the  application 
of  the  economic  paradox  that  "  low  wages  are  not  always 
cheap."  In  as  far  as  the  better  conditions  of  employment 
that  may  be  secured  by  trade  union  action  have  the 
effect  of  increasing  individual  efficiency  by  the  channels 
of  physical  or  moral  improvement,  an  employer's  concession 
that  seemed  a  sacrifice  may  prove  an  actual  gain  even  to 
the  conceding  party,  and  the  apparent  conflict  of  interest 
be  lost  in  a  real  harmony.* 

But  as  a  rule  these  results,  even  when  realized,  are 
among   the   more    subtle    and    "unseen."      The    "seen" 

*  Perhaps  the  most  frequent  illustration  of  this  truth  may  be  found  in  the 
history  of  disputes  turning  on  the  question  of  the  length  of  the  working  day. 
(Compare  Kae's  "  Eight  Hours  for  Work.") 


133  SrnVFA'  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

elements  of  any  dispute  are  almost  invariably  treated  on 
the  general  assumption,  true  in  the  main,  that  as  regards 
the  particular  points  under  arrangement,  the  interests  of 
masters  and  men  are  necessarily  divergent. 

The  special  objects  which  the  societies  set  before  them- 
selves vary,  not  only  from  trade  to  trade,  but  also  from 
time  to  time  within  the  same  trade.  Thus,  the  London 
compositors  are  thinking  now  rather  of  changes  made 
necessary  by  the  introduction  of  new  machinery  than  of 
either  hours  of  work  or  regulations  for  apprentices ;  the 
main  task  of  the  barge-builders'  society  is  no  longer 
the  abolition  of  overtime,  but  the  careful  regulation  of 
admission  into  the  trade ;  most  branches  of  the  building 
trades  are  concerned  with  questions  of  overlapping,  sub- 
contract, and  the  position  of  non-unionists  ;  the  boot  and 
shoemakers  have  still  the  questions  of  machinery  and  of 
workshop  accommodation  before  them  ;  and  in  a  short  time 
we  may  see  the  cab  and  'busmen  thrown  together,  not  by 
disputes  with  the  owners  in  regard  to  pay  or  hiring,  but 
by  the  threatened  invasion  of  the  autocar. 

Fresh  problems  are  from  time  to  time  presented  accord- 
ing to  the  changing  circumstances  of  each  particular 
trade  :  the  expedient  may  become  the  inexpedient,  and  ques- 
tions which  have  been  regarded  with  indifference  may  at 
any  time  become  matters  of  pressing  and  vital  importance. 

A  change,  also,  in  the  character  of  the  immediate  aim 
of  a  particular  society  will  bo  affected,  not  only  by  the 
circumstances  of  the  trade,  but  by  the  strength  of  the 
organization  itself.  Such  more  general  and  elementary 
forms  of  trade  union  claim,  as  that  with  regard  to  the  rate 
of  paj',  may  be  followed,  if  conditions  be  favourable,  by 
the  more  difficult  and  controversial  claim  for  the  recognition 
of  some  rule  with  regard  to  the  employment  of  non- 
society  men.  Relative  financial  and  numerical  strength  and 
questions  of  general  expediency  will,  in  short,,  determine  at 


TRADE   UNIONS.  159 

aKj  given  time  the  more  specific  cliaracter  of   the  trade 
union  demand. 

At  the  present  time  there  is,  perhaps,  a  two-fold  change 
in  the  accepted  opinion  with  regard  to  the  action  of  trade 
unions,  pointing  to  a  fuller  recognition,  on  the  one  hand  of 
the  extension  and  on  the  other  of  the  limitation,  of  their 
sphere  of  operations. 

In  addition  to  the  major  questions  of  wages  and  hours, 
it  is  beginning  to  be  recognized  that  on  such  questions 
as  sanitary  conditions,  enforcement  of  Factory  Acts,  terms 
of  notice,  modes  of  payment  of  wages,  arrangements  for 
meal  times,  and  many  minor  points,  the  trade  union,  and 
perhaps  the  trade  union  alone,  can  give  adequate  expression 
to  the  demands  of  the  members  of  any  given  trade,  and 
through  its  representative  ofiacers  effectively  put  forward 
claims  or  resist  encroachments. 

It  is  in  the  appreciation  of  the  number  and  importance 
of  the  subjects  lying  within  their  proper  sphere  that  a 
greater  field  for  corporate  action  is  being  discovered,  even 
side  by  side  with  the  recognized  subordination  of  trade 
union  action  to  other  determining  influences. 

Moreover,  though  the  organization  of  labour  is  an  influence 
over-shadowed  by  the  wider  and  more  powerful  causes  that 
determine  the  general  condition  of  any  particular  group  of 
workers,  it  is  in  trade  unions  alone  that  we  find  the  right 
and  possibility  of  industrial  combination — tl>e  wage-earner's 
charter  of  the  century — permanently  demonstrated. 

The  principle  of  association,  welcomed  by  nearly  all  in 
its  other  manifestations,  is  often  especially  feared  and 
suspected  in  industrial  life,  although  in  every  sectional  form 
of  association — in  religion,  in  philanthropy,  in  politics,  and 
even  in  purely  social  relationships — there  is  also  danger  of 
bias  and  unfairness,  and  of  the  neglect  of  the  widest 
interests.  It  is  perhaps  felt  that  in  trade  unions  the  aims 
are  still  more  sectional  in  chai-acter  j  and  their  moral  basis 
is  thus  more  often  suspected. 


ICO  SUnVEY  AND   COXCLUSIONS. 

It  is  doubtless  largely  because  tbeir  interests  have  often 
conflicted  in  a  very  serious  way  with  those  that  are  wider 
and  more  important,  and  because  it  is  feared  that  individual 
independence  may  be  weakened,  that  much  very  lionest 
criticism  of  the  trade  union  movement  as  a  whole  has 
found  expression. 

Behind,  and  necessarily  behind,  the  action  of  friendly 
negotiation  by  means  of  the  informal  or  recognized 
methods  of  conciliation  or  arbitration — to  both  of  which 
the  existence  of  trade  unions  seems  almost  necessary — 
lie  the  weapons,  on  the  side  of  the  employer,  of  the 
lock-out,  and  on  that  of  the  employed,  of  the  strike, 
both  alike  a  recourse  to  the  rude  arbitrament  of  war. 
This  close  association  in  the  popular  mind  of  trade  unions 
and  strikes  makes  many  overlook  the  beneficial  chai'- 
actcr  of  the  more  permanent  and  constant  action  of  these 
societies. 

And  the  evils  of  partisanship  have,  it  is  true,  often  been 
incurred :  claims  have  been  unreasonable ;  strikes  have 
been  hastily  entered  upon ;  methods  of  propaganda  have 
been  tyrannical ;  pickets  have  bullied  ;  industrial  relation- 
ships have  been  unnecessarily  disturbed  and  strained;  and 
trades  have  been  permanently  injured  or  displaced,  and  in 
this  way  the  principle  of  association  has  been  discredited. 

Industrial  relationships  are,  however,  apt  to  be  deter- 
mined by  the  less  responsible  and  less  restrained  on  both 
sides,  and  it  is  often  difficult  to  see  how  anti-social 
practices  are  to  be  repressed,  except  by  the  methods 
of  organization.  It  is  unreasonable,  therefore,  to  advocate 
the  elimination  of  agencies  that  seem  to  have  a  well 
defined  sphere  unless,  like  the  Socialists,  whose  way  the 
trade  unions  often  seem  to  block,  we  are  prepared  with 
alternative  proposals,  or  unless  we  are  contented  to 
await  the  millenium,  relying  upon  the  ultimate  superi- 
ority of  individual  enlightenment  and  independence.  The 
abuses  of  trade  unions  are  indeed  best  regarded  as  the 


TBADE    UNIONS.  161 

froth  on  the  surHxce  of  a  movement  which  for  this  conntry 
and  for  this  ngo  takes  the  place  to  some  extent  of  the 
•crude  social  struggle,  the  political  vnpourings  or  the  in- 
dustrial stagnation  of  other  countries  or  other  times. 

Those  who  condemn  the  narrowness  of  view  frequently 
illustrated  by  trade  nnion  policy  may  be  reminded  that 
the  outlook,  although  narrow^  is  not  the  narrowest. 
Beyond  the  individual,  beyond  even  the  borders  of  the 
family,  the  sphere  of  interest  of  the  members  of  any  such 
society  is  Avidened,  in  any  case  to  that  of  a  section  of 
his  fellow  workers,  the  individual  member  himself  beinor 
included  as  one  who,  so  far  as  his  association  is  concerned, 
has  only  equal  claims  with  many  others.  Nor  can  we  refrain 
from  bearing  witness  to  the  noble  spirit  of  comradeship 
that  has  often  been  evinced  by  their  members. 

In  themselves  trade  unions  may  be  regarded  as  safe- 
guards and  expedients,  justified  and  explained  by  the 
circumstances  ot  the  times.  If  these  change,  and  if  the 
desired  amelioration  of  conditions  can  be  permanently 
secured  by  better  methods  which  either  do  not  require,  or 
are  incompatible  with,  the  existence  of  these  protective 
associations  ;  then,  it  is  not  the  new  methods  which  should 
be  condemned,  but  the  associations  themselves  that  should 
give  way. 

There  are,  however,  many  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
effecting  a  transition  from  worse  to  better  conditions. 
There  is  the  difficulty  of  judging  as  to  the  permanence  or 
general  applicability  that  the  new  forms  are  likely  to  display, 
and  of  being  sure  of  the  real  motives  of  all  concerned  ;  while 
jealousies  often  block  the  way  in  effecting  a  change  in  the 
mutual  relations  of  employers  and  employed.  Confusion  thus 
arises  in  the  minds  of  trade  unionists  between  end  and 
means,  and  from  this  blurred  vision  springs  a  trade  union 
bias  Hgainst  changes  tending  to  unite  more  completely  the 
interests  of  employers  and  employed.  It  is  sometimes 
V  11 


1C2  SUFiVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

honestly  feared  that  the  indepeudence  of  the  worker  may- 
be unduly  weakened  by  changes  of  this  description,  but 
there  is  also  the  danger  that  when  such  proposals  are 
mooted,  the  trade  unionist,  recognizing  the  incompatibility 
of  the  old  protective  methods,  based  ou  the  accepted  and 
customary  division  of  the  occupied  classes  in  any  given 
trade,  should  be  suspicious  of  movements  which, 
however  good  in  themselves,  tend  to  eliminate  his  trade 
organization,  because  they  tend  to  weld  the  interests  of 
masters  and  men  more  closely  together.  But  such  welding 
wouhl  be  the  most  complete  solution  of  the  very  problem 
that  trade  unions  are  seeking  to  solve,  and  they  them- 
selves must  meanwhile  be  recognized  as  institutions 
made  desirable,  and  in  many  cases  necessary,  by  the 
prevalence  of  conditions  that  in  themselves  have  neither 
the  elements  nor  the  claims  of  permanency.  To  attribute 
such  permanency  to  them,  and  thus  to  the  forms  of 
protective  association  to  which  they  give  rise,  is  to  mistake 
the  means  for  the  end,  the  contingent  for  the  essential. 

IV. — Training  and  Tests  op  Efficiency. 

Save  in  exceptional  cases,  the  connection  between 
London  trade  unions  and  the  training  of  workers  is 
remote.  Various  causes  explain  this,  prominent  among 
them  being,  as  regards  many  skilled  trades,  the  large  iiiflux 
of  labour  from  the  provinces.  The  London  stock  is  being 
continually  recruited,  and  generally  strengthened,  from 
outside  sources,  and  over  the  industrial  upbringing  of  ths 
migrant  there  is  no  control. 

But  the  conditions  of  London  labour  tend  to  increase  this 
powerlessness,  for,  as  has  been  seen,  workers  are  frequently 
employed  there,  either  in  highly  specialized  channels,  m 
which  it  is  difficult  to  find  use  for  a  thorough  training,  or 
on  products  of  high  excellence,  when  there  is  apt  to  be  no 
room  for  the  learner. 

It  is  found,  therefore,  that  while  employers  are  for  the 


TRADE    UNIONS.  1C3 

most  part  negligent  and  foremen  impatient,  the  operatives 
themselves  are  generally  either  powerless  or  indifferent 
to  proposals  for  the  more  systematic  training  of  workers, 
whether  with  or  without  some  plan  of  regular  apprentice- 
ship. 

The  trade  unions  sometimes  have  rules  relatino:  to 
apprenticeship,  but  their  primary  object,  forced  upon  the 
members  to  a  great  extent  by  the  excessive  employment  of 
young  and  cheap  labour,  is  rather  the  regulation  of  the 
supply  of  workers,  than  the  assurance  of  adequate  training.* 
In  a  certain  number  of  cases  a  genuine  interest  is  doubtless 
felt;  occasionally,  on  the  other  hand,  we  detect  rather  a 
fear  of  the  rising  generation,  which,  if  it  uses  to  the  full 
the  new  opportunities  not  infrequently  offered  of  acquiring 
thorough  craft-knowledge,  may  be  able  it  is  thought  to 
oust  the  older  generation  before  its  time. 

But,  in  the  main,  indifference  and  a  sense  of  impotence 
prevail.  Inherited  privileges  and  traditional  customs  have, 
indeed,  a  much  wider  and  more  important  influence  in 
determininsf  the  conditions  under  which  a  trade  is  both 
entered  and  mastered,  or  not  mastered  when  entered,  than 
have  the  unions  themselves.  This  general  indifference 
remains  none  the  less  short-sighted,  both  on  the  side  of  em- 
ployers and  employed;  for  a  combined  attempt  to  deal  with 
the  question  might,  in  some  cases,  check  that  increasing 
superficiality  of  knowledge,  through  which  markets  are 
often  lost  or  wages  lowered. 

There  is,  it  is  true,  a  widespread  dissatisfaction  at  the 
present  want  of  system  in  training,  especially  in  cases  in 

*  Sometimes  they  miss  their  mark,  even  when  the  union  is  strong ;  as, 
with  the  glass-workers,  among  whom,  with  strong  societies  and  strict 
rules  as  to  apprenticeship,  "there  are  but  few  apprentices  in  the  union 
shops.  The  members  of  the  union,  and  the  trade  at  krge,  are  mainly 
recruited  from  boys  and  youths  brought  up  in  non-union  establishments, 
where  the  proportion  of  boys  to  men  is  in  the  inverse  ratio  to  that 
established  by  the  union.  This  is  not  the  only  instance  to  be  met  with  of 
the  sweating  shop  figuring  as  the  sole  school  of  industry." — Vol.  II.,  p.  83. 

V  11    * 


1G4  SrnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

•uliich  the  greater  specialization  of  skill  and  the  increasing 
use  of  uiacliinerj  have  forced  the  consideration  of  this 
question  upon  the  members  of  a  trade.  But  it  is  the 
disintegrating  effects  of  these  influences  rather  than  the 
need  of  efficient  training  that  has  been  most  apt  to 
attract  attention.* 

We  find  the  same  limitations  both  of  interest  and  of 
power,  as  regards  the  qualifications  of  the  adult  members 
of  a  trade.  A  few  exceptions  may  be  cited,  as  that 
of  the  lithographic  artists,  by  whose  trade  society  a 
register  is  kept  of  the  work  done  by  the  members ;  or 
the  City  and  West  End  cooks  and  carvers,  who  have 
power  "  to  fine  heavily  the  member  who  does  not  give 
satisfaction  to  his  employers,^'  and,  in  common  with 
other  societies  in  this  trade,  reserves  the  right  ''to  treat 
proved  inefficiency  as  a  punishable  offence.'^  But,  generally 
speaking,  the  measure  of  responsibility  that  the  trade 
union  accepts  for  the  efficiency  of  its  members  is  based  on 
the  statement  made  at  the  branch  meeting  by  the  supporters 
of  the  candidate  for  admission  to  their  ranks  that  the 
applicant  is  a  good  fellow,  knows  his  trade,  and  has  been 
able  to  command  the  recognized  current  rates  of  wages 
for  such  and  such  a  period  of  time.  If  he  can  secure  this 
testimony  he  is  usually  (subject  it  may  be,  to  certain 
restrictions  as  regards  age)  ipso  facto  qualified  for  member- 
ship of  the  union  of  his  trade.  If  it  be  one  to  which  those 
only  are  admitted  who  have  served  their  time  as  apprentices, 
it  maj'  be  necessary  for  the  candidate  to  show  his  indentures, 
and,  when  he  is  young,  further  questions  are  likely  to  be 
put  as  to  his  knowledge  of  the  craft.  But,  as  we  have  seen, 
these  are  the  more  exceptional  conditions  of  admission,  and 
even  in  the  case  of  an  indentured  apprentice  who  has  satis- 

•  In  only  two  cases  have  we  a  record  of  the  direct  initiative  being  taken 
by  trade  societies,  towards  the  improvement  of  the  technical  education  of 
their  members,  viz.,  those  of  the  zinc-workers  and  the  lithographic  artists. 
Vol.  I.,  p.  393  ;  Vol.  II.,  p.  220. 


TRADE    UNIONS.  165 

factorily  served  Lis  time,  it  is  the  test  of  the  workshop  and 
the  eye  of  the  foreman  or  employer  that  can  alone  give 
the  real  guarantee  of  efficiency. 

It  may,  therefore,  be  stated  as  a  general  rule  that  the 
trade  union  does  not  attempt  to  apply  any  test  of  efficiency 
other  than  that  (easily  measured  and  easily  applied,  iu 
any  case  for  short  periods  of  time)  of  ability  to  earn 
a  certain  recognized  minimum  wage.  Any  further  test 
is,  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases,  deliberately  left  to  the 
employers  in  the  particular  trade :  if  they  will  employ  a 
man  at  the  accepted  rates,  prior  to  his  election  as  a 
member  of  his  union,  then,  in  the  absence  of  other  special 
disqualifications,  the  union  will  accept  him.  The 
economic  position  of  the  individual  man  is  not  affected. 
The  same  criteria  of  suitability  for  employment  will  be 
applied  after  as  before  his  election.  The  same  methods  of 
superintendence  are  necessary  for  the  unionist  as  for  the 
non-unionist,  and  throughout,  there  is  no  attempt  made  by 
the  unions,  save  in  certain  cases  of  flagrant  violation,  to 
assume  corporate  responsibility  for  efficiency  of  service. 

In  this,  however,  there  is  but  little  reason  for  adverse 
criticism,  for  it  would  be  useless  to  advocate  the  exercise 
by  the  societies  of  a  function  that  is  for  the  most  part 
beyond  their  power.  Greater  discrimination  than  is  now 
shown  might  often  be  exercised  in  the  admission  of 
candidates,  especially  in  the  loosely  organized  purely 
protective  societies;  and  also  even  in  the  best  managed 
societies  if  acting  under  the  pressure  of  conditions  of 
dispute,  when  the  rules  of  election  tend  always  to  be 
somewhat  laxly  administered.  But  in  the  main  the 
average  level  of  efficiency  of  their  members  must  be 
determined,  not  by  their  own  action  and  policy,  but  rather 
by  some  outside  prevailing  standard  and  by  the  play  of 
competition  operating  over  a  wide  area  upon  the  members 
of  any  particular  trade. 

In  the  attractiveness  of  London,  acting  both  economically 


ICG  SUIiVEY  AND   CONCLVSIONS. 

and  socially,  we  find  the  real  influence  that  determines 
what  the  standard  of  efficiency  shall  be  in  the  case  of  such 
craftsmen  as  joiners,  masons,  plumbers,  and  fitters,  from 
whom  s^ood  work  is  demanded  and  whose  ranks  can  be 
recruited  from  the  Provinces.  The  best  provincial  labour 
is  attracted ;  and  the  migrants  becoming  generally  apt 
learners  in  the  London  school,  and  also  keen  competitors, 
thus  establish  the  high  level  that  London  labour 
reaches.  On  the  other  hand,  in  those  trades  in  Avhich 
there  is  room  for  a  low  class  of  labour — -as,  for  instance,  in 
many  branches  of  cabinet  making,  tailoring,  and  pianoforte 
making — it  is  rather  the  local  conditions  that  may  be 
regarded  as  the  main  determining  influences. 

National  or  even  international  pressure  may  determine 
the  degree  of  skill  that  London  employers  will  demand, 
raising  it  in  some  cases  to  unrivalled  excellence,  or  leaving 
it  at  other  times  to  struggle,  in  deteriorated  forms,  against 
the  methods  of  production  prevailing  elsewhere. 

There  is,  nevertheless,  abundant  room  for  local  effort 
towards  raising  the  London  standard.  London  workmen, 
even  in  the  most  highly  skilled  and  highly  localized  trades, 
stand  in  no  ring-fence,  and  it  may  be  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant tasks  for  their  leaders  in  the  future  to  impress  upon  the 
rank  and  file  the  truth  that  corporate  strength  must  rest  at 
last  upon  individual  efficiency.  Towards  raising  this,  trade 
unions  may  have  as  important  a  part  to  play  as  in  the 
direct  endeavour  to  increase  the  share  that  each  man  can 
secure  of  the  final  product,  for,  ultimately,  it  is  upon  the 
individual  standard  maintained  that  the  ability  to  secure 
improved  material  conditions  will  mainly  depend. 

V. — The  Minimum  Wage. 

Although  no  real  test  of  efficiency  can  be  said  to  be 
applied  by  trade  unions, — save  in  the  very  exceptional 
cases  already  noted — ajjproximate  uniformity  of  remunera- 


TRADE    UNIONS.  1G7 

tion  and  of  the  general  conditions  of  employment  is  aimed 
at  for  the  members  of  the  same  class  in  every  trade.  Every 
union  endeavours  to  secure  the  same  hours,  the  same  rates 
for  overtime  (if  worked  at  all),  the  use  of  the  same  scale  if 
on  piece-work,  and  not  less  than  the  same  rates  if  time- 
wages  be  paid.  It  is  the  last  two  objects  that  liave  led  to 
the  very  general  attempt  to  secure  the  recognition  of  the 
principle  of  the  "  minimum  wage." 

This  conception  is  analogous  to  that  of  the  "  living 
wage" — that  will-o'-the-wisp  of  the  social  reformer — for, 
with  certain  modifications,  the  adherents  of  botli  are 
opposed  to  the  view  that  wages  must  depend  on  the 
current  level  of  prices  and  range  of  profits.  It  is  thus 
not  infrequently  argued  that  the  minimum  wage  is  to  be 
taken  as  a  fixed  element  in  the  expenses  of  production, 
and  that  to  this  extent  the  adjustment  of  price  in  the  open 
market,  in  any  case  for  considerable  periods  of  time,  is  to 
be  restricted. 

It  is  obvious,  however,  that  this  view  wears  a  different 
aspect  according  to  whether  we  are  considering  a  rate  of 
remuneration  really  necessary  to  family  maintenance  or  one 
which,  accepted  at  any  given  time  in  a  particular  trade, 
avowedly  leaves  over  a  margin,  more  or  less  considerable, 
for  the  "  extras  "  of  life. 

Even  for  unskilled  labour,  the  idea  of  a  'Hiving  wage" 
is  indeterminate.  It  varies  greatly,  not  only  from  country 
to  country,  but  from  place  to  place  in  the  same  country, 
even  from  locality  to  locality  in  London  itself,  and  also 
from  time  to  time  according  to  fluctuations  in  the  average 
level  of  prices  and  to  variations  in  the  accepted  standard 
of  life.  But  there  is  a  sufficient  regularity  in  the  elements 
of  necessary  demand  for  the  family  unit  to  atford  us,  for 
any  locality,  a  fairly  exact  basis. 

In  London,  for  instance,  although  there  are  many  adult 
men  whose  services  are  not  worth  6d  an  hour,  and  many 
families  that  live  on  less  than  24s  per  week,  the  ''  docker's 


108  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

tanner  "  of  1889  was  accepted  with  a  common  chorus  of 
approval  as  representing  tlie  wage  which  able-bodied  heads 
of  families  might  not  unfairly  regard  as  their  minimum 
demand. 

If  we  assume  for  the  sake  of  argument  that  this,  on 
a  fort3'-eight  hours'  Aveek,  may  be  rightly  taken  as  an 
irreducible  minimum^  it  is  clear  that  so  soon  as  minima 
are  fixed  at  higher  rates  than  this,  a  new  set  of  consider- 
ations, other  than  those  of  reasonable  subsistence,  have  to 
be  taken  into  account. 

Leaving  out  of  the  question  any  extra  remuneration 
that  may  be  claimed  to  meet  the  expenses  of  any  particular 
industry,  such  as  the  provision  of  tools  or  dress,  we  find 
that  any  margin  above  the  assumed  living  wage  is  due  to 
exceptional  conditions  of  one  kind  or  another :  the  work 
involves  difficulty,  responsibility,  danger  or  some  other 
quality,  which  marks  out  those  who  follow  it  as  being  above 
the  average  and  thus  able  to  secure  more  than  the  assumed 
accepted  living  wage  of  the  unskilled  workers  of  their 
district.  This  higher  rate  is  in  the  main  not  secured  by, 
and  not  detei'mined  by,  the  trade  unions.  They  rather 
intervene  as  secondary  influences,  strengthening  and 
consolidating  the  position  of  a  body  of  men  who  are 
differentiated  from  others  by  the  normal  conditions  of 
their  employment  rather  than  by  the  fact  of  their  combina- 
tion. The  trade  union  may  forestall  a  natural  rise  in  wages, 
or  for  a  time  may  arrest  a  fall,  but  whatever  may  be  the 
circumstances  of  its  intervention,  its  general  characteristic 
is  to  crystallize  a  normal  tendency,  and  to  secure,  in  any 
case  for  a  time,  a  practical  uniformity  of  conditions  for 
a  body  of  men  whose  general  economic  position  is  quite 
otherwise  determined. 

Approximate  uniformity  of  pay  may,  indeed,  be  almost 
regarded  as  a  condition  of  organization,  and  this  is  natural, 
for  the  task  of  organization  itself  is  thereby  simplified,  and 
the  interests  of  the  average  man  are  consolidated.     The 


TRADE    UNIONS.  1C9 

attempt  to  i\x  a  niiniuuim  wage  in  any  organized  trado 
may,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  a  necessary  accompaniment 
of  trade  union  action.  The  question  at  issue  is,  indeed,  not 
the  principle  of  a  fixed  minimum,  but  ratlier  the  level  at 
which  this  minimum  should  be  maintained  in  those  trades 
which  are  able  to  command  more  than  the  accepted  level 
of  the  "  living  wage  "  for  a  week's  work. 

It  may  seem  that  the  highest  possible  point  must  neces- 
sarily be  the  right  one  to  aim  at,  but  trade  unionists  are 
alive  to  the  disadvantages  that  may  ensue  from  an  undis- 
criminating  adherence  to  this  policy.  In  many  ti-ades 
differential  rates  have  been  introduced  for  older  men,  and 
in  some  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  modify  the  rates  for 
younger  men  who  have  passed  the  probationary  stages  and 
yet  are  hardly  sufficiently  well  equipped  to  claim  with 
justice  the  full  current  rate  of  wages.  This  practice,  is, 
however,  jealously  watched  and  its  extension  deprecated  lest 
a  .reduced  minimum,  if  sanctioned  for  a  section  of  a  trade, 
should  tend  to  become  the  prevailing  rate  for  all.  An 
analagous  difficulty  presents  itself  to  those  who  propose,  as 
likely  to  lead  to  a  more  regular  diffusion  of  employ- 
ment in  the  case  of  seasonal  trades,  the  recoo-nition  of 
a  lower  rate  during  the  normally  slacker  periods  of  the 
year.  The  fall,  it  is  seen,  would  be  easy  ;  the  recovery 
more  difficult,  and  even,  it  is  feared,  impossible  should 
there  be  a  slow  revival  of  trade  at  the  bee-innins:  of  the 
ordinarily  busy  season. 

There  is  the  further  argument  in  favour  of  uniformity, 
that  the  certainty  and  fixity  in  wages  that  it  involves, 
enables  employers  to  estimate  the  cost  of  work  with  a 
degree  of  assurance  that  would  be  impossible  in  a  varying 
labour  market.  They  become  strong  or  weak  competitors, 
not  according  to  their  success  in  cutting  down  wages,  but 
according  to  their  qualities  as  really  efficient  managers ;  as 
those  who  from  their  character  as  employers  can  attract  the 
best  men  and  make  the  best  use  of  the  labour  they  employ  ; 


170  SUBVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

and,  in  the  case  of  manufacture^  as  judicious  buyers  of  the 
material  used. 

An  unscrupulous  und  capable  manufacturer  may  become 
a  centre  of  disorganization  and  deterioration  in  a  whole 
trade,  since  buyers,  not  being  able  to  analyze  all  the 
conditions  that  enaljle  him  to  become  an  exceptionally 
cheap  producer,  or  not  caring  to  do  so,  will  quote  his 
prices,  and  other  makers  are  apt  to  be  driven  to  follow 
his  example  in  exacting  the  maximum  of  work  for  the 
minimum  of  wage.  Uniformity  of  wage-conditions  acts,  at 
least  in  their  own  sphere,  as  a  check  on  this  form  of 
excessive  competition. 

Assuming  that  uniformity  is  desirable,  there  is  consider- 
able difficulty  in  determining  the  point  at  which  it  can 
most  advantageously  be  fixed.  The  higher  the  minimum 
is,  the  more  exclusive  does  the  trade  union  tend  to  become. 
It  is  possible,  even,  by  a  too  rigorous  policy,  to  exclude 
from  the  ranks  of  any  existing  society  so  large  a  propor- 
tion of  the  members  of  a  trade,  that  any  approach  to 
effective  organization  is  rendered  impossible.  The  greater 
the  disproportion  also  between  the  minimum  maintained 
and  the  average  real  standard  of  the  trade,  the  more  hotly 
will  the  citadel  of  the  union  be  attacked  from  outside. 

Further,  a  high  minimum  diminishes  the  scope  for  the 
adequate  reward  of  special  skill,  tending  to  secure  for  the 
less  efficient  more,  and  for  the  more  efficient  less,  than  they 
deserve.  For  the  higher  the  minimum,  the  more  likely 
is  it  to  be  also  the  maximum,  and  thus  to  leave  less 
scope  than  would  otherwise  be  possible  for  the  adaptation 
of  remuneration  to  efficiency. 

A  very  high  minimum,  moreover,  tends  to  diminish  the 
continuity  of  employment.  The  bond  between  employer 
and  employed  that  is  represented  by  the  "surplus"  value 
of  the  services  rendered  is  weakened,  and  the  stability  of 
their  relationship  thereby  endangered.  The  larger  the 
proportion  of  men  who   are   receiving  what  is  felt  to  be 


TRADE    UNIONS.  171 

more  than  tlieir  appropriate  return,  the  larger  also  will 
be  the  proportion  dismissed  Avlien  trade  slackens. 

It  can  hardly  be  denied  that  one  of  the  main  arguments 
in  favour  of  the  policy  that  aims  always  at  the  highest 
possible  minimum  lies  in  its  simplicity.  Its  strength 
rests  largely  on  the  fact,  not  that  it  is  ideally  the  best 
policy,  but  rather  that  it  fits  in  best  with  the  degree 
of  administrative  power  possessed  by  the  unions,  and 
with  the  common-sense  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
members.  In  any  given  case,  however,  and  London  offers 
several  illustrations,  too  high  a  minimum  is  apt  to  set  at 
work  various  influences  by  which  conditions  may  easily, 
and  even  rapidly,  become  only  nominally  favourable.  It  may 
be  by  the  greater  discontinuity  of  employment ;  by  stricter 
supervision ;  by  the  more  rapid  introduction  of  machinery, 
or  of  boy  and  girl  labour ;  or  by  actual  displacement,  that 
the  subtle  processes  of  economic  adaptation  will  work. 
The  effects  will  vary  with  circumstances  and  with  trades, 
but  the  end  will  almost  always  be  the  same,  for  there  are 
few  occupations  that  can,  even  with  the  completest 
organization,  firmly  establish  a  real  and  effective  monopoly. 

At  the  present  time — when,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
dock-labourers,  employment  is  becoming  more  permanent, 
oi*,  as  in  the  case  of  the  operative  masons,  it  is  tending  to 
be  more  exclusively  restricted  to  the  members  of  a  trade 
society — the  position  of  those  outside  the  pale  either  of 
permanency  or  of  organization  is  becoming  increasingly 
difficult.  The  normal  stress  of  competition  is  accentuated 
in  their  case,  and  unemployment  is  precipitated  on  the 
heads  of  those  least  able  to  bear  it.  While,  however, 
more  stable  conditions  of  employment  necessarily  make 
the  position  harder  for  those  left  outside,  completeness 
of  organization  will  only  have  this  eifect  up  to  a  certain 
point.  For  if  the  conditions  enforced  and  the  minimum 
secured  by  a  strong  trade  society  to  the  average  members 
of    the    trade     do    not    approximate   to    a   normal    basis. 


172  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

and,  above  all,  if  they  have  been  secured  by  the  help 
of  circumstances  that  were  only  temporarily  favoui-able, 
then  the  society  ranges  against  itself  economic  forces  that 
■will  bring  about  either  a  weak  union  unable  to  enforce 
its  own  too  exclusive  rules,  or  one  that  is  avowedly 
representative  only  of  the  more  highly  skilled  members 
of  the  craft  in  question. 

Lastly,  ad:iptation  to  the  changing  conditions  of  a  market 
becomes  more  difficult.  There  is  a  maximum  wage  that 
the  employer  can  or  will  pay  as  well  as  a  minimum  that 
the  wage-earner  can  or  Avill  accept,  and  although  the 
position  of  this  maximum,  like  that  of  the  minimum  wage 
itself,  is  liable  to  shift,  there  is  always  some  point  at  which, 
taking  the  average  of  a  few  years,  it  may  said  to  be  fixed. 
In  some  cases,  and  especially  when  much  capital  has  been 
invested,  employers  may  work  for  awhile  on  a  no-profit 
basis,  this  being  often  preferable  to  complete  stoppage,  and 
the  heavy  permanent  sacrifice  thus  entailed;  but  they  can 
hardly  act  in  this  way  for  long. 

The  character  of  the  trade ;  the  plant  set  up ;  the  staff 
that  it  may  be  important  to  retain  ;  the  prospects  of  the 
future;  and  the  temperament  of  the  employer,  will  all 
help  to  determine  the  point  at  which  unremunerative 
working  will  lead  to  stoppage.  The  stock-jobber,  with 
no  machinery  to  go  rusty;  no  mine  which  may  be  flooded; 
or  staff  to  retain,  may  take  a  holiday  when  in  his  particular 
market  the  turn  is  steadily  unfavourable  or  uncertain,  and 
is  often  the  richer  for  his  complete  abstention  and  absence 
from  work.  But  a  manufacturer  cannot  thus  dissociate 
himself  from  his  occupation  :  if  prices  fall  or  if  his  market 
contracts,  he  has  to  endeavour  to  secure  a  readjustment  of 
the  elements  that  make  up  the  cost  of  production,  and  one 
of  these  is  wages.  It  is  at  such  a  time  that  he,  on  his 
side,  will  discover  what  his  maximum  must  be,  and 
ultimately,  if  the  industry  continue,  the  trade  union 
minimum  cannot  exceed  it. 


\ 


TRADE    UNIONS.  173 

VI. — Limitations  to  the  Spiikiie  op  Trade  Unions. 

The  table  on  pages  lli-145  shows  how  diverse  are  the 
conditions  even  of  the  highly  organized  London  trades ; 
but,  in  spite  of  the  absence  of  uniformity,  we  may  state  in 
a  general  way  tbe  conditions  which  make  for  organization : 

(1)  When  stability  of  conditions  prevail  in  the  trade:  when, 
e.g.,  there  is  no  easy  recourse  for  the  buyer  to  other 
markets  or  to  alternative  products;  or  for  the  maker  to 
mechanical  substitutes  for  labour,  or  to  the  importation 
of  labour  in  case  of  dispute  ;  and  when  the  movement 
of  capital  to  other  fields  of  operation  is  difficult. 

(2)  When  the  industry  is  not  readily  practised  by  inde- 
pendent workers  and  permanence  of  status  as  between 
masters  and  men  is  maintained. 

(3)  When  the  proportion  of  boy  or  female  labour  employed 
is  small,  and  incapable  of  competing  with  adulfc  male 
labour ;  especially  when  there  is  need  for  the  exercise 
of  acquired  skill  in  the  manual  processes  of  the  work. 

(4)  When  the  quantity  and  quality  of  work  done  affords 
a  uniform  basis  of  comparison  between  man  and  man 
60  that  personal  relationships,  as  between  employer 
and  employed,  become  comparatively  unimportant. 

It  will  be  found  that  some,  if  not  most,  of  these  conditions 
are  present  in  every  organized  trade,  and  their  importance 
may  be  shown  by  reference  to  almost  any  occupation 
included  in  the  table.  Thus  in  the  printing  trade,  with 
difficulties  presented  by  the  employment  of  boy  labour  and 
hj  the  introduction  of  new  machinery,  we  find  that  as 
regards  skill,  measurability  of  result,  and  permanency  of 
status,  the  conditions  are  highly  favourable.  In  the  well- 
organized  book-binding  and  tobacco  trades,  although  in  both 
cases  women  are  largely  employed,  we  find  that  in  the 
former  trade  the  sphere  of  women's  work  is  now  fairly  well- 
defined,  and  that  in  the  latter,  where  the  work  is  largely 
identical,  the  same  rates  are  paid  to  both  sexes.  In  neither 
case,  therefore,  does  the  presence  of  the  women  introduce 


174  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

a  new  element  of  competition.  Again,  the  low  position  of 
the  cabinet-makers  as  regards  organization  is  to  a  great 
extent  explained  by  the  prevalence  of  the  small  S3^stem 
of  production ;  by  a  highly  developed  method  of  wholesale 
distribution,  under  which  the  small  makers  habitually 
compete  for  the  custom  of  the  factor;  by  the  great  sub- 
division of  labour ;  and  by  the  small  degree  of  permanency 
in  the  employing  class. 

Turning  to  those  occupations  ia  the  list  that  fall  under 
locomotion,  transport  and  general  labour,  we  find  that  in 
this    group    the    employees    may    be  said   to  be  generally 
strong  as  regards  the  measurability  of  their  work ;  in  the 
freedom  from  the   competition  of   boy  and  female  labour 
and  in  the  large  proportion  of  employed  to  employers,  thus 
facilitating  the  common  action  that  is  rendered  easier  by 
common  employment.     They  are  weak,  on  the  other  hand, 
ia  as  far  as  acquired  skill  is  unnecessary;  in  the  greater 
tendency  for  mechanical  substitutes  to  supplant  the  simpler 
and    more    laborious  manual  processes ;  and  in  the  power 
that  frequently  exists  to  secure  imported  labour  in  cases 
of   dispute.     The   great   weakness   of   the    group   lies    in 
the  width   of   the  sphere  of  potential  competition.     With 
the  exception  of  the  dock  and  other  officials,  lightermen, 
bargemen,    and,    perhaps,    watermen    and    stevedores,  the 
protecting  economic  conditions   of  employment  of  all  the 
members  in  this  division  are  particularly  weak.     Even  in  the 
case  of  the  more  responsible  position  of  railway  servants,  or 
of  cab  and  omnibus  men,  the  necessary  qualifications  are  not 
such  as  to  define  the  group  of  competitors  with  any  degree 
of  clearness,  as  in  the  case  of  most  skilled  trades.     It  is 
true  that  this  distinction  is  only  one  of  degree,  and  that, 
in  the  case  of   trades    that  are  classed  as  skilled,   if   the 
subdivision    of    employment    be    excessive,    the   economic 
conditions  tend,  in  this  respect,  to  approximate  to  those  of 
unskilled  labour  itself.     In  the  case  of  the  general  labourer, 
however,  when  the  acquirement  of  the  appropriate  knack 


TRADE    UNIONS.  175 

takes  the  place  of  any,  even  though  it  be  a  very  h'rnited, 
kind  of  skill,  and  when  the  first  and  last  requisite  is  not 
infrequently  found  in  the  possession  of  a  certain  measure 
of  muscular  strength,  we  find  the  widest  of  all  fields  of 
employment,  and  the  most  elastic  body  of  possible  workers. 
In  the  superior  position  as  regards  organization,  there- 
fore, of  some  of  the  groups  of  "  labour  "  as  compared  with 
some  of  the  more  skilled  trades  in  which  the  motive  to 
organization  is  equally  strong,  we  have  a  striking  example 
of  the  aid  that  comparative  uniformity  of  conditions  and 
permanency  of  status  give,  when  combined  with  adequate 
and  intelligently  directed  motive  ;  and  of  the  power  that 
may  bo  thus  secured  to  overcome  in  some  measure  the 
normally  weak  economic  position  of  this  class  of  workers. 

Although  trade  unionism  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence 
in  so  many  fields  of  employment,  it  is  less  easy  to  state 
succinctly  the  conditions  unfavourable  to  it. 

London  in  the  aggregate  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  a 
stronghold  of  the  movement.  Meti-opolitan  conditions 
militate  against  trade  unionism,  just  as  they  do  against 
other  democratic  institutions  that  depend  largely  for  their 
vitality  on  the  maintenance  of  intimate  personal  relation- 
ship between  their  members. 

Thus  we  find  the  co-operative  movement  baffled  for  the 
moment,  even  on  the  distributive  side,  by  the  size  of  a  city 
in  which,  not  only  does  the  competition  of  the  retailers 
secure  a  most  efficient  disiribution,  but  in  which  men  scatter 
far  and  wide  when  their  day's  work  is  done,  so  that  the 
vast  majority  remain  strangers  even  to  their  more  immedi- 
ate neighbours. 

In  addition,  the  fact  that  London  is  the  greatest  centre 
of  the  small  system  of  production,  militates  in  many  ways 
against  the  possibilities  and  forces  of  combination,  for  it 
results  in  the  isolation  of  wage-earners  in  small  groups,  and 
tends  to  break  down  the  distinction  between  master  and  man. 


176  SUEVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

There  is  thus  altogether  a  moi*e  than  average  amount  of 
ditiiculty  iu  the  way  of  trade  union  expansion  in  London. 

In  pursuing  this  subject  further,  it  is  to  be  noticed 
that  there  is  a  general  absence  of  protective  association. 
in  practically  all  branches  of  distributive  employment; 
in  banking  and  insurance  ;  in  some  branches  of  the  public 
service ;  in  indoor  and  outdoor  service ;  and  among  the 
employees  in  the  various  professions.  The  following  table 
will  show  in  greater  detail  those  sections  of  which  this 
statement  is  true  : — 

Indusfrial  Groups  in  xohicJi  there  are  no  Trade  Unions. 


Section. 


^lilliners  and  dress-makers    

Warehousemen  and  messengers    

Chemicals 

Soap,  candles,  glue 

Stationers  

Booksellers,  newsagents 

Silk  and  fancy  textiles     

Woollens,  carpets,  &c 

Dyers  

India-rubber,  floorcloth,  etc 

Shirt-makers 

Machinists 

Trimmings,  &c 

Drapers,  Ac*    

Millers,  sugar  refiners,  &c.  t  

Brewers,  mineral  water  makers,  &c.... 

Milk-sellers    

Butchers  and  fishmongers  

Grocers,  oil  and  colourmen,  &c 

Publicans   

Lodging  and  coffee-house  keepers 

Ironmongers,  glass  and  china  dealers 

Coal,  wood,  and  corn  dealers 

General  shopkeepers    .» 

Merchants,  brokers,  &c 

Commercial  clerks  J 

Gardeners,  &c.^. 

Country  labour 


Total 
PoBulation. 


83,448 

C3,556 

6,836 

2,195 

8,883 

7,780 

4,811 

2,700 

1,946 

3,074 

18,487 

10,GG3 

19,r.78 

30,926 

2,320 

4,396 

10,169 

28,(137 

31,531 

14,991 

11,004 

9,104 

6,564 

14,241 

19,992 

108,423 

12,093 

3,774 


Employed 
Wales. 


1,418 

C1.926 

3,295 

1,587 

4,497 

4,095 

1,594 

1,323 

921 

1,612 

874 

1,554 

4,251 

14,603 

1,687 

3,823 

6,478 

19,628 

18,149 

5,996 

1,369 

5,930 

3,030 

3,473 

C9,713 

3,386 


Employed 
Females. 


58,250 

1,437 

2,001 
339 

2,811 
50G 

2,498 

1,158 
651 

1,139 
13,679 

9,109 
12,112 
12,.502 
421 
246 
931 
996 

2,507 
776 

1,324 
591 
312 

3,239 

8,710 
99 


The  indifference  to  organization  frequently  found    may 

•  A  few  may  belong  to  the  National  Union  of  Shop  Assistants,  the 
Warehousemen  and  Clerks,  or  the  United  Shop  Assistants'  Union. 

t  A  few  belong  to  the  Millers'  National  Union.  A  large  number  of  oil 
millers  joined  the  Dockers'  Union  in  1889,  but  have  nearly  all  since  left. 

J  As  already  mentioned  (note  on  page  145),  there  is  one  small  Union. 


TRADE    UNION,^  177 

often  bo  explained  by  tlio  conditions  of  employment;  as 
with  the  brewers'  workmen,  among  whom,  though  sectional 
feeling  is  strong,  the  terms  of  service  are  so  favourable  that 
there  is  none  of  the  pressure  normally  felt  when  abuses 
are  numerous.  For  protective  association  springs  from 
the  sense  among  a  certain  proportion  of  those  employed 
either  that  unnecessary  disadvantages  exist  which  might 
be  removed  by  combined  action ;  or  that  customary 
privileges  are  threatened  that  could  be  protected  by  the 
same  means. 

In  other  cases,  again,  the  disinclination  to  organize  may 
result  from  distrust  of  the  methods  of  combination,  or  from 
the  feeling  that  it  is  inappropriate  to  the  relationship 
generally  existing  between  employers  and  employed  in 
some  particular  occupation.  The  personal  character  of 
the  relationship,  for  example,  may  be  so  marked  a  feature 
that  the  impersonal  intervention  of  representatives  of  an 
organized  society  is  felt  to  have  a  certain  irrelevancy 
and  even  impropriety. 

Thus  in  many  directions,  including  clerical  occupations 
and  assistants  of  all  kinds,  as  well  as  some  skilled  trades, 
and  even  in  certain  cases  of  unskilled  labour,  the  inappro- 
priateness  of  any  organized  plan  of  adjusting  industrial 
relationships  is  often  manifest;  the  relation  of  individuals 
or  groups  of  individuals  to  employers  involving  a  sense 
of  mutual  confidence  that  renders  the  method  of  protective 
association  incongruous. 

Again,  we  sometimes  find  both  motive  and  power  to 
organize  weakened  when  the  class-relationship  is  expected 
to  be  of  a  transitional  character.  This  is  very  generally 
the  case  with  masters  and  men  where  the  small  system 
of  production  prevails,  and  when  large  numbers  are 
"  working  on  their  own  account."  A  conspicuous  instance 
is  seen  in  the  case  of  shop-assistants,  for  in  addition 
to  the  obstacle  frequently  presented  by  the  personal 
or  confidential  character  of  their  relations  with  their 
V  12 


178  SVnVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

employers,  a  permanent  source  of  weakness  in  all  attempts 
at  organization  is  found  in  the  fact  that  every  young 
shop-assistant  is  apt  to  regard  himself  as  a  future 
employer,  and  although  the  increase  in  the  proportion  of 
l.irge  retail  shops  is  clearly  diminishing  the  likelihood  of 
change  of  status,  yet  the  hope  of  change  is  general, 
^loreover  the  heads  of  departments  in  large  shops  are 
probably  as  far  removed  from  trade  union  organization  as 
small  employers. 

The  non-manual  occupations  are  in  fact  little  suited  for 
trade  union  action.  An  approximate  uniformity  of  con- 
ditions is  an  essential  feature  of  unionism,  and  the  charac- 
teristic of  most  manual  trades,  that,  while  a  minimum  is 
aimed  at,  a  fairly  well-defined  maximum  is  also  known  to 
prevail — is  largely  absent  from  most  non-manual  employ- 
ments. The  saying,  "  once  a  rivetter  always  a  rivetter,"  has 
no  parallel  in  many  callings.  It  is  especially  inapplicable  to 
all  those  occupations  in  which  the  normal  state  of  mind  is 
to  live  in  the  expectation  of  doing  better  in  life — not  in  the 
way  that  the  mason  may  hope  to  secure  a  better  yard, 
obtaining,  it  may  be,  more  regular  work  or  slightly  higher 
wages,  but  in  the  sense  of  a  change  in  position,  making  for 
advance  in  life,  and  initiating  a  "  career." 

It  is  the  disintegrating  force  of  these  vague  possibilities 
that  in  many  employments  weakens  both  the  motives  that 
make  for  organization,  and  the  power  of  trade  unions 
when  formed. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  an  organization  generally  represents 
a  corporate  interest  much  wider  than  that  of  the  workpeople 
of  a  single  firm,  and  that  frequently  the  employer  who  is 
on  the  best  terms  with  his  people  is  also  the  one  who 
is  most  in  sympathy  with  the  trade  unions ;  whei'eas  the 
employer  with  whom  relations  are  most  strained  is  apt  to 
be  the  man  who  dislikes  them  most.  The  considerate 
employer,  even  in  the  case  of  partially  organized  trades, 
whether    sympathetically    or    unsympathctically    disposed 


TRADE    UNIONS.  179 

towards  the  trade  union,  undoubtedly  blocks  the  way 
towards  a  completer  organization,  much  in  the  same  way 
that  the  moderate  drinker  prevents  the  introduction  of 
drastic  temperance  legislation. 

In  the  case  of  all  female  labour  instability  of  status — ■ 
social  rather  than  economic — is  a  standing  obstacle  to 
organization.  The  most  active  trade  union  initiative  is 
undertaken  by  comparatively  young  men,  and  the  great 
majority  of  the  older  responsible  leaders  and.  executive 
officers  are  found  among  those  who  have  been  brought 
up  from  youth  in  trade  union  traditions.  It  is  the  young 
mechanic  who  has  just  entered  upon  his  adult  career, 
with  every  probability,  and  generally  with  every  intention 
of  pursuing  it  during  his  working  life,  who  is  the 
best  recruit  of  his  trade  society,  which  often,  indeed, 
becomes  for  him  one  of  the  principal  channels  by  which 
his  sense  of  corporate  responsibility,  and  even  of  a  wider 
citizenship  is  developed.  But  to  the  young  woman  the 
perspective  of  her  future  is  quite  differently  shadowed  forth. 
The  hope  of  marriage  rather  than  the  strengthening  of  her 
industrial  position  is  usually  the  dominating  influence  in 
her  life,  and  in  this,  combined  with  a  less-developed  capacity 
than  even  that  of  men  for  the  tasks  of  organization  and 
administration,  is  found  a  great  disintegrating  force. 

The  practical  difficulty  of  combination  among  women 
is  well  illustrated  by  the  three  accompanying  charts. 
In  every  case  the  sudden  drop,  as  compared  with  men, 
in  the  numbers  employed  between  the  ages  of  20  and 
35,  is  clearly  marked,  as  is  also  the  much  more  gradual 
decline  in  their  numbers  from  the  age  of  40  onwards. 
Thus,  even  such  permanency  of  economic  status  as  is 
found  among  women  does  not  correspond  in  any  sense  wath 
that  of  men.  The  cases  in  which  it  may  be  anticipated  are 
nearly  always  of  women  who  have  passed  the  age  at  which 
effective  organization  on  trade  and  friendly  lines  is  likely 
V  12  * 


ISO  SUnVEY  AXD    COXCLUSIOXS. 

to  be  secured ;  Avlicn  the  flush  of  entliusiasm  that  may 
stii'  the  imagination  and  prompt  to  a  greab  corporate 
endeavour,  has  paled  in  the  long  years  of  work — unhoped, 
for,  perhaps  unexpected — that  have  led  on  to  middle  age. 

In  many  cases,  the  absence  of  trade  unions,  even  in 
occupations  in  which  there  seems,  perhaps,  the  most  likely 
licld.  for  their  application,  is  explained,  not  so  much  by  the 
presence  of  any  normally  disintegrating  force  and  preventive 
influence — as  in  the  case  of  women — as  by  the  negative 
resistance  of  apathy  and  ignorance;  due  partly  to  defect 
of  character,  but  more  often  to  a  depressing  sense  of  the 
economic  weakness  of  their  position,  which  reacts  upon  the 
power  of  corporate  initiative.  Trade  unionism  is  still  a 
growing  movement,  and  its  sv-ere  may  be  greatly  extended 
in  the  future,  but  there  are  many  groups  of  wage-earners, 
even  among  the  lowest  paid  male  sections  of  the  population 
with  whom  the  motive  to  organize  should  be  strongest,  for 
whom  the  help  of  combination  is,  nevertheless,  almost 
unattainable — indeterminate  bodies  among  whom  there  is 
no  cohering  force,  no  development  of  leadership,  consisting 
of  men  for  whose  employment  even  the  simple  qualification 
of  persistency  is  often  neither  required  nor  forthcoming. 

The  part  played  by  trade  unions  has,  as  we  have  seen, 
many  limitations,  not  only  where  they  exist,  but  also  from 
the  fact  that  in  many  directions  they  do  not  exist  at  all. 
Nevertheless  they  exercise  a  very  real  power  beyond  the 
proportion  of  their  numerical  strength.  In  spite  of  over- 
lapping and  jealousies,  with  many  leaders  and  divergent 
aims,  and  with  an  only  half  developed  sense  of  respon- 
sibility, the  trade  unions  of  London  still  exert  a  regulating 
economic  force  of  no  little  importance. 

The  history  of  the  "fair  wages  clause,"  the  extent  to 
which  it  is  adopted,  and  the  more  general  recognition,  not 
only  by  public  bodies,  but  by  a  wider  public,  of  a  moral 
obligation   to   discourage    or  so  far  as   possible   prohibit. 


TRADE   UNIONS.  181 

anti-social  conditions  of  employment,  illustrates  the  indirect 
power  that  can  also  be  exerted  by  trade  societies.  For  they 
exercise  considerable  infliienco  in  the  formation  of  public 
opinion  on  labour  questions,  and  in  the  constitutiun  of 
popularly  electel  bodies,  the  labour  members  are  almost 
invariably  drawn  from  the  unions  themselves.  "  Labour  " 
without  the  unions  would  be  comparatively  dumb. 

But  our  estimate  of  their  strength  and  influence  should 
not  be  exaggerated.  For  the  dominating  and  determining 
conditions  of  employment  it  is  necessary  to  look  in  other 
directions,  and  over  wider  fields  than  those  covered  by 
these  associations.  Industrial  life,  althousrh  involvinor  a 
curtailment  on  every  hand  of  the  scope  of  individual  freedom, 
and  made  up  of  a  tissue  of  involuntary  sacrifices,  still  leaves, 
even  among  wage-earners,  the  active  impulses  of  the 
individual  mind  as  the  most  important  economic  force. 

In  changing  economic  conditions,  in  expanding  or 
shrinking  markets,  and  in  fluctuating  prices  we  hud  the 
great  planks  in  the  industrial  platform  upon  which  the 
individual,  sometimes  in  union  with  his  fellows  but  in  any 
case  in  the  exercise  of  his  own  judgment,  has  to  play  his 
part.  It  will  be  mainly  by  forces  and  opportunities  such  as 
these,  as  they  bear  upon  the  individual  man,  that,  according 
to  his  power  of  response,  industrial  status  and  reward 
will  be  determined.  Only  to  a  very  limited  extent  can 
associated  effort  direct  these  dominating  influences. 

[Some  remarks  on  trade  unions  as  remedial  agencies  will 
be  found  in  Chapter  XII.] 


CHAPTER  YII. 

THE  HOURS  OF  LABOUR. 


The  question  of  continuity  or  discontinuity  of  work 
covers,  practically,  the  whole  question  of  unemployment ; 
it  therefore  claims  our  first  attention  in  an  examination  of 
the  conditions  of  employment.  It  is  followed  in  import- 
ance by  the  question  of  wages,  and  last  comes  that  of 
hours.  But  just  as,  when  employment  has  been  once 
secured,  the  rate  of  pay  comes  to  the  front,  so,  no  sooner 
is  a  decent  subsistence  wage  being  earned,  than  the  question 
of  hours  becomes  of  as  great,  perhaps  of  even  greater 
moment.  Whether  more  or  less  be  earned  affects,  no  doubt, 
immediate  comfort,  whereas  a  working  day  unduly  pro- 
longed injures  the  whole  life.  The  popular  recognition  of 
the  importance  of  this  question  is  seen  in  the  revival  during 
recent  years  of  one  of  the  claims  put  forward  in  the 
Chartist  rhyme  that  moved  men's  hearts  some  half  a  century 
ago.  Now,  as  then,  the  demand  for  *^  eight  hours'  work," 
with  or  without 

" .    .     .    .    eight  hours'  play, 
Eight  hours'  sleep,  and  eight  shillings  a  day  " — 

has  become  the  form  in  which  the  widespread  desire  for 
greater  leisure  finds  its  most  frequent  expression. 

A  summary  of  "  the  recognized  hours  of  work  "  in  the 
majority  of  the  trades  and  occupations  of  London  is  given 
in  the  table  printed  at  the  end  of  this  chapter.  Out  of 
2nr»  occupations  there  are  : — 

i'-j  in  which  48  hours  (or  less)  are  worked  per  week. 

bl  in  which  over  48  and  less  than  54  hours  are  worked, 

84  in  which  54  and  less  than  60  hours  are  worked. 


THE  HOURS  OF  LABOUR.  183 

29  in  which  60  and  less  than  72  hours  ai'e  worked. 

29  in  which  72  hours  and  upwards  are  worked. 

Particulars  with  regard  to  the  practice  of  overtime  are 
also  given  in  a  large  number  of  cases. 

Though  the  table  shows  large  groups  of  trades  that  are 
carried  on  under  approximately  similar  time-conditions, 
the  conspicuous  feature  is  variety ;  and  it  is  so  because  of 
the  varying  character  of  other  conditions.  The  amount 
of  skill  demanded ;  the  character  of  the  work ;  seasonal 
influences ;  the  controlling  effects  of  the  Factory  Acts  ; 
trade  customs;  the  degree  of  organization  achieved;  the 
forethought  and  capacity  of  employers  and  foremen ; 
and  the  method  of  remuneration  adopted ;  these  are  all 
influences,  bearing  unequally  upon  diflerent  trades,  and  apt 
to  bring  in  elements  of  widespread  variation  in  the  hours 
worked.  Thus,  a  tram-conductor  works  long  hours  because 
the  duties  are  light,  and  because  many  men  possess  the 
necessary  qualifications ;  and  the  abnormally  long  day  of 
the  carman  may  be  similarly  explained,  for  though  greater 
physical  strain  is  sometimes  involved,  it  is  compensated 
to  some  extent  by  the  long  spells  of  driving  and  often  of 
simple  waiting  which  accompany  his  work. 

Other  typical  instances  may  be  mentioned.  For  example, 
shop  assistants  have  light  work — physically  as  compared 
with  the  mason,  and  intellectually  as  compared  with  the 
banker^s  clerk — but  their  long  hours  are  also  to  be 
explained  by  the  habits  of  late  marketing  adopted  by  the 
working-class  consumer;  by  the  fear  of  loss  of  custom  if 
an  attempt  is  made  to  compress  the  work  of  the  day  into 
fewer  hours  ;  and  by  the  absence  of  any  common  under- 
standing among  the  employers  or  of  effective  combination 
among  the  assistants.  In  the  case  of  cook-shops  and 
retail  pork  butchers  in  poor  neighbourhoods,  the  direct 
competition  of  the  public-houses  is  felt,  and  the  fear  that 
a  transfer  of  trade  to  the  licensed  houses  might  follow  from 
earlier  closing. 


184  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

The  baker's  week,  often  terribly  long,  is  so,  partly 
because  of  the  insufficiency  of  organization  and  the  keenness 
of  competition,  but  partly  also  because  there  are  long 
spells  of  waiting,  sometimes  even  of  sleeping,  during  the 
process  of  bread-making.  Thus,  even  though  on  Friday 
night  and  Saturday  morning,  when  the  output  has  to  suffice 
for  a  two  days*  supply,  a  day  of  very  abnormal  length 
results,  the  nominal  hours  worked  give  a  somewhat 
exaggerated  impression  of  the  actual  strain  involved. 

The  long  hours  of  the  East  London  slipper-maker  are 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  work  is  seasonal  in  character, 
and  mostly  done  at  home  under  keen  competition  and 
with  low  and  declining  rates  of  pay.  It  is  work  characterized 
by  the  severe  conditions  that  tend  to  prevail  amongst  the 
home  industries  of  East  London;  but  here,  again,  the 
physical  strain  of  the  work  is  not  great. 

The  miller's  shift  of  twelve  hours,  day  or  night,  is 
fixed,  as  regards  the  skilled  men  employed,  by  the  fact 
that  machinery  is  used  which  needs  comparatively  little 
detailed  and  constant  attention ;  in  addition,  the  work  is 
only  intermittently  severe,  the  greater  part  of  it  is  unskilled, 
and  keenly  competed  for  ;  and,  finally,  there  is  no  supple- 
mentary boy  or  female  labour  to  bring  the  mills  under  the 
hours  regulations  of  the  Factory  Acts.  Among  envelope- 
makers,  on  the  other  hand,  these  regulations  are  probably 
the  chief  influences  determining  hours,  since  women  and 
girls  make  up  by  far  the  larger  proportion  of  those 
employed. 

Sometimes  the  hours  of  minor  trades  are  determined  by 
those  of  some  superior  industry.  Thus,  gilders  who, 
amongst  painters,  are  generally  but  a  small  proj^ortion  of 
those  employed,  conform  to  the  hours  worked  by  the  dominant 
trade.  Vellum  binders,  again,  usually  form  a  department  of 
a  larger  business,  and  are  subordinated  to  the  conditions  of 
the  printing  trade.  They,  therefore,  failed  to  obtain  an 
eight-hours'  day,  which  was  secured   by  the  leather  and 


THE  IIOLTiS   OF  LABOUR.  185 

cloth  binders,  wlio  work,  for  tlio  mosfc  ]):irt,  in  separate 
factories,  and  thus  in  independence  of  any  allied  trade. 

In  some  outdoor  occupations — those  of  gardeners  and 
riggers  of  ships,  for  instance — winter,  even  more  stringently 
than  the  strongest  organization  or  the  strictest  official 
control,  enfoi'ces  a  short  working  day.  In  other  trades, 
such  as  that  of  the  operative  masons,  though  the  influence 
of  tl^  seasons  is  seen  in  the  shorter  working  day  of  winter, 
comparatively  short  hours  are  maintained  throughout  the 
year  by  means  of  effective  organization  based  on  the 
possession  of  acquired  skill. 

Another  illustration  of  the  vai'ying  circumstances  that 
affect  this  question  of  hours  is  found  in  the  bonded 
warehouses,  in  which  the  eight  hours'  day  of  the  Customs 
(from  8  to  4),  fixes  also  the  hours  of  the  labourers  employed. 
The  same  cause  affects  to  some  extent  the  hours  worked  at 
the  docks.  Finally,  basket-workers  and  tank-makers  are 
instances  of  trades  in  which  there  is  great  independence  as 
to  the  time  worked,  with  the  result  that  the  working  week 
probably  does  not  average  more  than  forty  hours.  This 
independence  is  due  to  skill  and  organization  combined 
with  piece-work,  so  that  the  weekly  average  varies  in  these 
cases  not  only  with  the  work  to  be  done,  but  also,  in  an 
exceptional  degree,  according  to  the  inclination  of  the  man. 

These  illustrations  to  some  extent  explain  the  fact  that 
the  customary  working  week  of  London  wage-earners 
varies  in  length  from  something  under  forty  to  something 
over  one  hundred  liours.  The  complexity  of  the 
controlling  influences  and  the  variety  of  conditions,  point 
to  the  probability,  almost  to  the  certainty,  of  per- 
manent differences  in  the  number  of  hours  worked ; 
and  the  anticipation  that  a  day  of  uniform  length  for  all 
occupations  will  be  adopted  has,  it  would  appear,  no 
solid  basis.  Uniformity  is  indeed  almost  impossible :  any 
expectations  we  may  form  and  any  conclusions  we  may 
draw,  must  be  particular  to  the  individual  trade,  and  will 


186  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

need  constant  modification  according  to  its  special  circum- 
stances. 

For  any  given  trade  tliere  is  doubtless  a  golden  mean, 
the  realization  of  whicli  will  be  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
■whole  community.     The  difficulty  is  to  see  where  this  rests. 

Economic  efficiency  is  determined,  not  simply  by  the 
period  over  which  a  man  works,  but  also  by  the  intensity 
of  his  application,  and  in  every  occupation  there  is  a  period 
that  is  best  calculated  to  secure  the  greatest  return  for 
energy  expended.  This  period  undoubtedly  varies  for 
different  men  working  even  in  the  same  trade  and  under 
the  same  conditions,  though  for  average  men,  and  for  an 
average  working  life-time,  the  statement  applies  to  every 
occupation.  But  in  the  endeavour  to  fix  the  true  point 
of  adjustment,  misunderstandings  and  conflicts  frequently 
arise.  Workmen,  biassed  by  the  desire  for  the  maximum 
of  remuneration  in  exchange  for  a  minimum  of  effort,  are 
inclined  to  put  it  too  low ;  employers,  thinking  rather  of  the 
returns  of  the  moment  than  of  the  sustained  efficiency  of 
their  workers,  are  apt  to  put  it  too  high.  Recent  economic 
history  seems  to  show,  however,  that  gradually  the  true 
mean  is  being  discovered,  and  probably  no  race  has  made 
greater  advance  than  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  realizing  that  a 
shorter  working  day  does  not  necessarily  involve  diminished 
material  return. 

The  advance,  however,  has  been  unequal.  In  a  certain 
number  of  trades  we  may  fairly  say,  that  such  an  adjust- 
ment has  been  arrived  at  as  leads  neither  to  the  waste  of 
products  nor  to  the  degradation  of  men.  But  while,  in 
a  few  cases,  the  number  of  hours  voluntarily  worked  is  so 
low  as  to  involve  a  real  material  loss  and  waste,  in  a 
considerable  number  of  other  trades,  the  length  of  the 
working  day  is  still  so  excessive  as  to  lead  to  much 
personal  deterioration — to  lower  vitality  and  narrower  life, 
and  therefore  in  the  long  run  to  actual  economic  waste. 


THE  nouns   of  labour.  187 

In  the  case  of  the  joiner,  with  a  weekly  wage  of  405,  and 
hours  averaging  forty-eight  per  week  throughout  the  year, 
we  may  consider  that  a  desirable  adjustment  has  been 
secured.  But  on  turning  to  the  picture  presented  by,  let 
us  say,  the  home  box-makers,  or  the  cabinet-makers 
emploj^ed  in  many  of  the  East  London  workshops,  our 
judgment  is  reversed.  Conditions  are  felt  to  be  harmful, 
and  we  look  around  for  remedies. 

But  in  this  matter  several  points  of  view  are  possible. 
The  individual  building-contractor,  for  instance,  may  quite 
honestly  hold  the  opinion  that,  at  40s,  the  wages  of  his 
joiners  are  unnecessarily  high,  and  that  their  work  would 
be  economically  more  effective  if  they  woi'ked  fifty-four 
instead  of  forty-eight  hours;  while  the  joiners,  acquiesc- 
ing in  the  forty-eight  hour  week,  may  perhaps  think  that 
Is  instead  of  lOd  an  hour  would  be  no  more  than  fair 
pay  for  an  efficient  man,  and  do  their  best  to  secwre  it. 
In  such  a  case,  both  employers  and  employed  will  consider 
unsatisfactory  what  we,  from  a  general  standpoint,  have 
assumed  to  be  a  reasonable  and  appropriate  adjustment. 

We  find  conflicting  opinions  even  as  regards  the 
irregular  spells  of  work,  or  the  extremely  long  hours, 
of  the  East  London  cabinet-maker  or  home-worker.  Voices 
of  approval  make  themselves  heard.  It  may  be  the 
wholesale  factor  who  speaks,  or  the  retailer,  or  the  City 
firm  that  carries  on  a  profitable  export  trade  in  cheap  home- 
made products ;  or  it  may  be  the  consumer,  ignorant  perhaps 
of  the  sources  and  conditions  of  supply,  who  simply  thinks 
well  of  a  market  in  which  cheap  goods  abound. 

There  are  at  least  four  points  of  view  from  which  such 
questions  may  be  regarded,  each  selfish  in  its  own  way  and 
yet  each  able  to  claim  a  wider  justification.  The  employer 
finds  in  profit  the  basis  of  industrial  stability.  The  workman 
rests  industrial  efficiency,  present  and  future,  on  the  welfare 
of  himself  and  his  family.  The  merchant  claims  to  work  in 
the  interest  of  the  consumer.     While  the  consumer  himself. 


iss  srnvEY  asd  conclusions. 

with  a  primary  concern  for  his  own  pocket,  may  at  the  same 
time  chum  to  safeguard  the  economic  position  of  the  whole 
community.  These  points  of  view  are  sug-gested  to  show 
the  bias  by  which  all  in  their  special  capacities  are  apt  to 
bo  affected,  in  spite  of  the  concurrence  of  the  enduring 
interests  of  all  sections. 

The  amount  of  work  done  ultimately  determines  the 
remuneration  which  the  wage-earner  can  secure ;  but 
his  welfare  reacts  in  the  long  run  upon  his  industrial 
efficiency  :  and  to  disentangle  the  consumer  from  the  com- 
munity,  in  which  he  plays  many  other  parts,  is  not  possible. 
The  consciousness  of  such  considerations  is,  however, 
seldom  strong.  ''  Things  are  in  the  saddle,  and  ride  man- 
kind.'' It  is  their  own  burdens  of  which  men  are  most 
conscious,  and  which,  should  opportunities  offer,  they  will 
endeavour  to  shift  to  other,  and  iu  all  probability  unknown, 
shoulcFers. 

In  forming  an  opinion  upon  the  time  conditions  of 
employment,  we  are  tempted  to  seek  for  some  average, 
varying  perhaps  from  trade  to  trade,  but  giving  us  an 
appropriate  level  for  each.  The  basis  of  such  a  calculation 
will,  however,  be  affected  by  the  particular  character- 
istics of  diH'orent  occupations.  It  would  be  reason- 
able, for  instance,  that  the  bricklayer,  engaged  in  the 
construction  of  sewers,  should  work  for  shorter  hours 
at  the  same  wage  than  a  brother  craftsman  working 
on  a  building ;  or,  to  compare  unskilled  work  of  different 
kinds,  that  the  man  employed  in  white  lead  works  should 
have  a  shorter  day  than  the  labourer  who  sweeps  the 
streets. 

The  point,  however,  to  which  we  would  particularly  direct 
attention,  is  that,  in  employments  tliat  involve  neither  great 
intelligence  nor  great  responsibility,  the  characteristics 
summed  up  in  the  word  intensity  do  not  in  themselves 
enable    u.'j    to    judge    as    to    what   a    reasonable    working 


THE  HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  189 

day  would  be.  In  forming  an  opinion  as  to  reasonable 
hours  for  such  classes  as  door-keepers  or  watchmen — 
employments  which  usually  involve  neither  physical  nor 
mental  strain,  and  demand  no  skill — we  are  bound  to  note 
such  considerations  as  confinement  and  the  simple  occupa- 
tion of  the  man's  time,  for,  after  a  certain  point,  these 
have  as  much  importance  as  more  positive  forms  of  effort. 

A  "  fair "  day's  work  must  stand  in  a  due  relation 
to  the  other  elements  that  properly  make  up  a  man's  life. 
It  is  not  simply  as  much  as  he  can  do.  We  must  look 
back  from  the  end  of  the  twenty-four  hours,  as  well  as 
forward  from  the  beginning  of  the  workiug-day,  in  order 
to  judge  fairly  as  to  how  much  time  ought  to  be 
taken  up  even  in  the  simplest  and  least  exacting  forms  of 
employment.  Home,  rest,  and  recreation  demand  recog- 
nition, and  a  not  immoderate  estimate  of  their  claims 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  even  for  the  easiest  tasks, 
a  ten  hours'  working  day  on  regular  employment  might 
be  taken  as  a  reasonable  maximum.  Even  in  the 
absence  of  any  quantitative  expression,  the  moral  force  of 
the  idea  of  a  ''living  day,"  analogous  to  that  of  a  ''living 
wage,"  might  with  advantage  be  brought  home  to  the 
public  mind.  For  the  complete  absorption  of  the  life, 
even  with  the  highest  pay,  is  apt  to  be  as  injurious  to 
health  and  character  as  the  most  precarious  form  of 
livelihood. 

Even  so,  a  balance  must  be  reached  between  what  a  man 
gives  and  what  he  gets.  If  the  duties  are  easy  and  the 
hours  not  long,  unless  the  place  be  a  matter  of  privilege, 
the  remuneration  Avill  surely  be  low. 

Such  are  some  of  the  more  general  considerations 
suggested  by  a  survey  of  the  conditions  now  prevailing 
in  London,  but  Avhen  we  contemplate  any  change  in 
them,  another  set  of  considerations  springs  into  promi- 
nence.    We  are  obliged  to  ask  in  the  case  of  any  proposal 


100  SUEVEY  AND   COXCLUSIONS. 

for  the  reduction  of  hours,  what  effect  its  adoption  will 
have  on  outside  competition  with  London  manufacture  ; 
whether,  if  the  London  position  be  weakened,  a  reduction 
of  wages  will  be  needed,  and  if  needed  will  be  accepted ; 
or  again,  what  will  be  the  effect  on  the  economic  efficiency 
of  the  individual  workman. 

To  such  questions  very  different  replies  would  have  to  be 
given  in  respect  to  different  trades.  Even  as  regards  any 
single  trade,  the  internal  opinion  is  often  conflicting,  and 
a  souud  conclusion  can  only  bo  reached  after  a  careful 
examination  of  the  special  conditions,  both  physical  and 
moral,  that  affect  the  response  in  increased  efliciency  which 
the  wage-earners  concerned  may  be  expected  to  make. 

With  regard  to  the  more  personal  effect  of  a  reduction 
of  hours  that  does  not  impair  the  chances  of  employment, 
the  whole  question  of  hours  derives  its  importance  from 
the  assumption  that  greater  leisure  will  be  advantageous  to 
the  individual  worker. 

This  assumption  in  any  particular  case  may  clearly  be  as 
false  as  the  belief  that  because  a  man  can  earn  more  money 
he  is  therefore  certain  to  be  in  a  better  material  position,  for 
time  and  money  can  be  squandered  with  equal  ease.  In 
spite,  however,  of  the  waste  of  leisure  that  is  witnessed  on 
every  hand,  the  common  claim  for  a  greater  share  of  it  is 
justified  by  the  great  balance  of  advantages  that  it  tends 
to  secure.  An  increasingly  urgent  demand  has  therefore 
arisen  for  a  greater  margin  of  leisure  available  for  the 
home,  and  for  all  that  rounds  life  off,  and  makes  it  a 
completer  thing — a  demand  urged  not  only  on  behalf  of  the 
artisan  and  mechanic,  who  in  many  trades  are  well  situated 
in  this  respect,  but  for  all  whose  industrial  position  unduly 
narrows  life  and  makes  it  run  too  completely  in  the  grooves 
of  tlieir  daily  work. 

Thit  if  good  rather  than  harm  is  to  result,  steps  towards 
improvement,  as  in  the  past,  must  ever  be  tentative  and 


THE  HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  191 

experimental.  In  certain  cases  of  flagrant  excess,  as  in 
that  of  many  female  shop-assistants,  the  community,  acting 
if  need  be  through  Government,  might  tilt  almost  blindfold 
against  abuses  that  exist,  and  rest  assured  that  the  physical 
and  moral  gain  would  more  than  counterbalance  any 
temporary  dislocation  of  some  particular  trade.  But  as 
a  rule  it  is  safer  to  follow  an  opposite  method  and  make 
careful  calculation  of  all  the  consequences  of  change. 

Up  to  the  present  time,  however,  there  seems  to  bo 
little  risk  of  a  too  hasty  advance,  and  the  national  caution, 
here  as  in  other  matters  that  involve  economic  considera- 
tions, is  showing  itself  in  a  national  deliberateness. 

One  great  hindrance  will  have  been  removed  when  the 
lesson  of  the  elasticity  of  the  power  of  human  response  has 
been  fully  learnt ;  when  it  is  realized,  for  instance,  that, 
even  with  machinery,  while  its  speed  and  capacity  remain 
the  same,  output  may  often  be  maintained  though  hours  be 
diminished ;  for  in  factories,  in  which  the  operative  is 
sometimes  regarded  as  of  secondary  importance  to  the 
machine,  this  "reserve  of  personal  efficieucy,"  to  quote 
Mr.  Rae's  phrase,  will  tell ;  while  in  the  case  of  all  skilled 
labour,  in  which  machinery  plays  no  part,  the  possible 
effects  of  this  subtle,  unknown,  and  often  unexpected 
expansion  of  individual  power,  may  be  important  beyond 
measure.  Few  more  fatal  fallacies  have  hindered  the  path 
of  industrial  reform  than  the  superficial  assumption,  happily 
dying,  that  return  can  be  safely  measured  in  terms  of  the 
hours  of  employment. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  great  difficulty  in  esti- 
mating the  effect  of  improved  time  conditions  over  long 
periods.  A  shorter  working  day  is  calculated  to  act  at 
first  as  a  stimulus  upon  the  energies  of  the  operative,  but 
impulses  of  this  nature  are  rarely  of  sustained  strength. 
Whether  such  effects  will  last  depends  on  the  use  to  which 
the  increased  leisure  is  put;  on  the  interest  of  the  operative 
in  maintaining  the  new  order  of  things ;  and  on  the  strict- 


102  SUnVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

ness,  and  it  may  be  the  increased  strictness,  of  superin- 
tendence. 

In  tlie  case  of  overtime  we  find  the  obverse  of  this 
picture,  and  many  employers,  while  accepting  the  neces- 
sity of  occasional  spells  of  it,  are  strongly  opposed  to  its 
more  prolonged  use.  They  find  that  "  it  does  not  really 
pay ;  "  that  after  a  very  short  time  "  the  extra  hour  3'ou 
get  at  night  is  taken  ofi*  the  next  morning  ;  "  and  that  you 
"  do  not  get  a  consi!^tent  extra  for  the  extra  hours,  even 
on  machines,  although  they  depend  less  on  the  physical 
state  of  the  man." 

Overtime  may,  therefore,  ultimately  involve  economic 
waste,  and  shorter  hours  economic  gain.  Success  or 
failure  for  employers  or  employed  and  the  likelihood  of  the 
continued  adoption  of  any  change  introduced,  will  thus 
greatly  depend  on  maintaining  the  previous  measure  of 
efficiency. 

A  discussion  of  proposals  made  with  a  view  of  securing 
shorter  hours  by  governmental  action  opens  up  too  wide  a 
subject  to  be  fully  discussed  here.  We  may  note,  however, 
that  two  broad  questions  are  involved,  the  one  connected 
with  the  economic  characteristics  of  particular  trades,  the 
other  rather  with  the  personal  characteristics  of  the  workers. 

Of  these  questions  the  former  would  demand  much  the 
same  analysis  wherever  the  trade  might  be  located ;  since 
it  would  always  be  necessary  to  consider  such  points  as  the 
character  of  the  work,  the  relation  to  other  markets,  the 
available  machinery  for  enforcing  regulations,  and  the  effect 
on  expenses  of  production,  as  well  as  on  the  position  of 
subsidiary  or  allied  trades.  Apart,  however,  from  such 
economic  points,  there  are  others  which  call  for  special 
consideration  as  regards  London. 

The  extent  to  which  legal  enforcement  is  possible  depends 
everywhere  very  largely  upon  the  personal  element  involved. 
If  the  individual  members  of  a  trade  are  ''solid"  with  regard 


THE  HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  103 

to  some  particular  observance,  the  difficulties  of  working  any 
compulsory  rule  are  either  insurmountable,  if  the  men  are 
solidly  adverse,  or  simplicity  itself,  if  they  are  solidly- 
favourable.  Rarely,  however,  is  there  any  such  consensus 
of  opinion.  In  this,  as  in  other  connections,  from  varia- 
tions in  temperament,  in  physique,  in  family,  or  from  other 
causes,  the  personal  equation  has  many  values. 

The  difficulty  of  enforcing  uniformity  of  conditions, 
therefore,  is  considerable,  even  in  highly  centralized,  well- 
organized  trades,  carried  on  under  the  large  system  of 
production;  but  in  London — that  congeries  of  unknown 
millions,  and  home  of  a  multitude  of  small  industries — 
it  is  vastly  greater.  Even  should  the  prescribed  day  be 
apparently  observed,  difficulty  in  enforcement  might 
still  sometimes  arise,  for  the  practice  of  working  for  two 
employers  is  not  unknown.  Among  printers'  warehouse- 
men, labourers,  and  machinists,  the  practice  of  working 
at  night  for  a  second  master  is  not  uncommon;  and 
complaints  of  a  similar  ''unfair"  prolongation  of  the  day's 
work  are  made  among  the  zinc-workers.  But  the  evasion 
of  the  normal  day  takes  place  more  often  through  the 
medium  of  home  employment :  the  carpenter  and  joiner 
"  with  his  bench  in  his  back  kitchen  "  is  said  to  be  a  great 
offender  in  this  respect ;  and  among  the  glass  painters, 
including  even  those  who  have  permanent  situations  at 
high  wages,  a  similar  charge  is  made  against  men  who 
tout  for  work  to  do  at  home,  after  having  had  a  day's 
employment  in  a  shop.  Whether  greed  or  the  most 
devoted  sacrifice  be  the  motive,  the  practical  difficulties  of 
checking  such  practices  remain  to  a  great  extent  the  same, 
while  in  the  latter  event  the  case  in  favour  of  interference 
loses  whatever  ground  it  might  otherwise  possess. 

Putting  strictly  economic  considerations  on  one  side, 
the  strength  of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome  by  the  advo- 
cates of  legislative  interference  will  be  determined  largely 
by  the  trend  of  public  feeling;  but  the  existence  of  a 
V  13 


194  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLVSIOXS. 

strong  trade  opinion  is  probably  a  factor  of  almost  equal 
importance.  At  present,  however,  the  public  voice  is 
uncertain,  while  the  trade  voice  is  often  either  inarticulate 
or  discordant  or  unstable. 

Incidental  reference  has  been  already  made  to  the 
question  of  overtime,  and  in  some  trades  if  is  this  question, 
rather  than  that  of  the  length  of  the  regular  working  day, 
that  is  uppermost.  Especially  is  this  so  when  no  extra 
rates  are  paid,  when  the  overtime  is  not  merely  periodically 
excessive,  but  systematic,  and  when  therefore  the  regula- 
tion day  tends  to  be  practically  unrecognized.  Except  in 
these  more  systematic  forms,  overtime  may  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  numerous  effects  of  irregulai'ity  in  the  volume  of 
trade. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  allied  ideas  of  Irregular 
Employment  and  Overtime  are  now  more  constantly  before 
the  public  mind  than  they  have  been  at  any  previous 
period.  The  recurring  problem  of  unemployment  is,  in 
fact,  only  an  extension  of  that  of  irregularity,  while  the 
idea  of  overtime  has  been  made  more  definite  by  the 
regulations  of  the  Factory  Acts  and  the  action  of  trade 
unions. 

The  meaning  of  overtime  varies  from  trade  to  trade,  and 
from  decade  to  decade ;  and  needs  the  correlative  idea  of 
a  recognized  working  day,  to  give  it  any  approach  to  an 
exact  value.  With  many  occupations  the  idea  has  no 
meaning.  To  the  peasant  proprietor  of  the  Swiss  valleys, 
sharing  in  its  communal  rights,  it  is  unknown  ;  in  the 
summer  he  works  from  the  early  morning  till  long  after 
full  daylight  fails,  but  the  hours  for  him  arc  simply  a  day 
of  prolonged  and  probably  willing  labour :  it  is  life  to  him 
to  tend  his  crops  ;  and  the  safe  ingathering  of  the  harvest, 
no  matter  how  laborious  the  task,  is  his  great  reward.  But 
the  idea  of  overtime  is  hardly  more  foreign  to  his  mind 
than  to  that  of  the  London  omnibus  driver,  who  prefers  to 


I 


•    THE   HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  195 

work  for  days  of  fifteen  hours  iustead  of  twelve,  arid  to 
have  more  money  or  be  able  to  take  a  larger  number  of 
occasional  holidays,  than  to  work  more  uniformly  for  the 
shorter  day.  Again,  in  the  case  of  the  more  hardly 
placed  East  London  home-workers — the  slipper-maker,  for 
instance,  who  in  the  busy  season  works  for  thirteen  or 
fourteen  hours,  ''  which  is  not  considered  long  in  our 
trade  " — we  have  a  class  of  workers  who  are  similarly  free 
from  any  idea  that  they  are  working  overtime. 

The  term  seems,  in  short,  to  imply  one  or  both  of  two 
things:  in  all  cases  regulation,  either  official  or  customary, 
of  the  length  of  the  regular  dny  ;  and  sometimes  also, 
should  longer  hours  be  worked,  differing  rates  of  pay. 
In  the  case  of  the  female  factory  hand,  working  a  pre- 
scribed excess  on  a  certain  number  of  days,  wo  have 
a  concrete  case  of  overtime,  with  its  limits  clearly  defined 
by  Act  of  Parliament, — and  meaning  in  this  country,  it 
may  be  noted,  different  things  during  different  periods  of 
the  present  century.  In  the  case  of  the  operative  mason, 
again,  with  a  strong  trade  union  and  a  forty-eight  hours 
normal  working  week,  and  with  increased  rates  of  pay  for 
all  extra  time,  Ave  have  an  example  of  overtime  defined  in 
the  minds  of  the  members  of  this  trade  according  to  the 
understanding  arrived  at  between  their  trade  society  and 
the  employers'  association. 

The  problem  of  overtime  is  therefore  closely  connected 
with  the  larger  question  of  the  length  of  the  working  day. 
Most  of  the  points  raised  by  its  discussion,  such  as  the 
effect  on  the  individual  and  on  the  output,  have  their 
corresponding  place  in  any  consideration  of  the  hours 
worked  in  any  trade. 

From  one  point  of  view,  however,  the  question  of  over- 
time requires  separate  treatment.  The  length  of  the 
working  day,  whether  long  or  short,  is  assumed  to 
be  something  fixed.  Cvertime,  on  the  other  hand,  is  an 
expedient  by  which  variation  in  the  working  day  is  made 
V        "^  13  * 


190  SUnVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

possible  to  suit  certain  coutingencies,  and  it  is  on  the 
nature  of  these  contingencies  that  its  reasonableness  or 
unreasonableness  depends.  It  may  be  noted  that  so 
far  as  tlie  extent  of  the  irregularity  of  work  depends  on 
the  capacity  and  forethought  of  employers  or  their 
deputies,  the  resource  of  overtime  will  find  an  automatic 
check  against  abuse  in  all  those  cases  in  which  special 
overtime  rates  are  paid. 

When  the  volume  of  work  varies  necessarily,  the 
objtction  to  overtime  becomes  more  problematic,  and  the 
policy  of  those  organized  bodies  of  workmen  who  aim  at 
its  complete  elimination  is  in  such  cases  very  questionable. 
The  Trade  Union  opposition  to  the  practice  is  largely 
explained,  as  is  often  also  the  advocacy  of  an  eight  hours' 
day,  by  the  desire  to  secure  a  more  equal  apportionment 
of  work  among  all  members  of  a  trade.  But,  since  in 
many  occupations  a  certain  fluctuation  in  the  volume  of 
employment  cannot  be  avoided,  it  follows  that  cither 
additional  labour  must  from  time  to  time  be  requisitioned 
or  extra  houi's  must  be  worked.  If,  therefore,  overtime 
be  discountenanced,  additional  workers  must  be  engaged 
during  these  unavoidable  periods  of  great  pressure,  and 
as  a  further  result  the  number  of  those  intermittently 
employed  will  be  increased.  For  all  who  are  employed 
only  during  the  busier  season,  since  they  are  likely  to 
be  the  less  competent,  will  be  unemployed,  so  far  as  this 
trade  is  concerned,  during  other  periods  of  the  year. 
Their  industrial  tenure  will  be  necessarily  insecure,  and 
a  hard-and-fast  rule  forbidding  overtime,  although  it 
might  seem  to  share  the  work  among  a  larger  number 
of  men,  might  under  such  circumstances  indirectly  lead 
to  the  permanent  degradation  of  those  who,  if  the  hours 
of  employment  had  been  more  elastic,  would  have 
been  prevented  from  picking  up  this  temporary  and  pre- 
carious livelihood.  It  does  not  follow  that  the  position 
cf    the    discarded    men    would    have    been    bettered,    but 


THE  HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  197 

any  trade  arrangements  that  facilitate,  and  perliaps  even 
make  necessary,  tlie  existence  of  a  body  of  liangers-on  who 
cannot  hope  to  secure  regular  and  decent  wages,  must  bo 
harmful  in  the  long  run  both  to  the  trade  of  which  tlioy 
may  be  regarded  as  the  industrial  camp  followers,  and  also 
to  themselves. 

This  argument  applies  only  to  those  trades  in  which  the 
requirements  of  additional  labour  necessarily  vary,  but  in 
which  the  variations  do  not  involve  injuriously  excessive 
application,  which  cannot  be  reasonably  balanced  by  holidays 
in  slack  times ;  it  leaves  unweakened  the  widespread  opposi- 
tion to  systematic  overtime.  It  serves,  however,  to  show 
that  overtime,  under  certain  conditions,  may  have  real 
utility,  and  that  opposition  to  it  may  be  shortsighted  and 
unreasonable.  For  by  it  the  field  of  employment  in 
any  trade  may  be  made  desirably  elastic ;  and  besides 
diminishing  the  danger  of  increasing  the  number  of  the 
casually  employed,  it  may  provide  opportunities  of  making 
up  for  the  short  time  to  which  even  those  in  fairly  regular 
work  are,  in  the  great  majority  of  trades,  liable  at  some 
period  of  the  year. 

The  rigid  elimination  of  overtime,  like  the  strict  enforce- 
ment of  an  eight  hours'  day,  might  for  a  time,  under  certain 
circumstances,  absorb  some  proportion  of  the  unemployed, 
but  such  methods  can  have  no  permanent  value  as  a  solu- 
tion of  the  difficulties  of  unemployment,  except  on  the 
assumption  that  they  will  be  followed  by  a  greater  moral 
restraint  and  general  foresight. 

The  extent  to  which  overtime  aids  in  securing  continuous 
employment  largely  determines  the  opinion  with  which  we 
regard  it.  In  connection  with  both  overtime  and  the  hours 
of  labour,  however,  there  is  another  and  deeper  considera- 
tion in  their  effects  on  the  larger  question  of  sustained 
life-efficiency. 

But  this    consideration    is   frequently  lost  sight  of   by 


193  SUnVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

the  actual  parties  to  a  contract  for  the  employment  of 
labour.  The  present  and  the  immediate  future  absorb 
attention  :  on  the  one  side  perhaps  tlie  wife  to  be  won, 
or  tlio  home  to  be  kept  together ;  on  the  other  success 
to  be  achieved,  or  the  disgrace  of  bankruptcy  to  be 
averted.  These  and  similar  disturbing  forces  press  upon 
the  individual,  limiting  his  freedom,  dictating  the  con- 
ditions of  his  industrial  life,  and  distorting  his  judgment. 
It  is  the  more  necessary,  therefore,  to  keep  steadily  in 
view  the  main  industrial  object  of  securing  that  desirable 
combination  of  hours  and  work  which,  without  sacriQcingr 
])rivate  life,  secures  the  most  capable,  willing,  and  effective 
service.  From  the  limited  points  of  view  of  the  individual 
operative  or  employer,  excessive  toil  may  seem  to  be  con- 
sistent with,  and  even  necessary  to,  their  more  immediate 
objects,  but  since  excess  implies  some  subsequent  form  of 
deterioi-ation,  it  can  rarely  be  compatible  with  the  interests 
of  the  community  at  large. 

Hospitals,  for  instance,  require  the  services  of  nurses  for 
a  few  years  only,  and  the  supply  of  new  probationers  ii3 
abundant,  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  long  hours 
exacted  during  the  period  of  training  are  injurious  to 
after-vigour  of  mind  and  body.  And  thus,  though  the 
hosj)itals  themselves  may  be  well  and  economically  served, 
the  nurses,  and  ultimately  the  community  as  a  whole,  pay 
the  penalty. 

It  may,  however,  be  asked  whether  the  excessive  labour 
of  some  one  class  may  not  lead  permanently  to  a  greater 
productive  efficiency  for  the  community  than  could  other- 
wise be  secured. 

It  is  quite  possible  to  imagine  conditions  under  which 
the  loafing  and  the  vicious  might,  if  isolated,  and  treated 
like  the  galley  slaves  of  the  Middle  Ages,  be  more  useful  as 
over-worked  men  than  if  they  worked  under  easier  condi- 
tions, and  no  public  loss  even  if  worked  to  death.  '  But  the 
moral   effect  ou   the    community,  thougli    it  were  able   to 


THE  HOURS   OF  LABOUR.  199. 

regard  tliis  severe  lot  in  the  light  of  deterrent  punisliment, 
could  hardly  fail  to  bo  bad.  In  a  minor  degree  such 
discipline  might  seem  desirable  in  many  cases,  but  amongst 
us  no  such  segregation  is  possible.  The  willing  and  the 
idle,  the  over-worked  and  the  under-worked,  jostle  in  the 
same  crowd,  live  in  the  same  street,  and  move  in  the  same 
civic  life;  all  alike  in  their  own  ways  exert  their  measure 
of  influence,  and  all  alike  beget  children.  It  is  thus 
inevitable  that  the  whole  community  should  suffer  from 
the  deterioration  of  any  section  ;  from  this  there  is  no 
escape.  In  the  social  state,  no  man  or  woman,  however 
lonely,  stands  apart,  and  later  generations,  if  not  we 
ourselves,  will  suffer  from  the  effects  of  every  form  of 
present  degradation. 

The  form  of  degradation  that  follows  from  excessive 
hours  of  labour  takes  different  shapes.  It  may  even  be 
compatible  with  regular  work,  good  wages,  and  abundant 
food ;  for  too  long  hours  tend  to  create  a  mechanical  and 
absorbed  mind,  indifferent  alike  to  home  and  to  the  wider 
interests  of  life.  Such  degradation  is  perhaps  undetected, 
and  is  the  more  subtle  because  more  self-absorbino:  than 
the  extremer  forms  of  the  same  evil.  It  may  not  involve 
as  great  economic  or  physical  evils,  but  its  moi-al  effects 
are  hardly  less  regrettable  and  sinister. 

In  spite,  however,  of  much  excess — some  working-days 
robbing  toil  of  all  tranquility,  and  others  rather  inducini? 
a  kind  of  tranquility  that  is  almost  the  negation  of  life — ■ 
recent  tendencies  give  undoubted  indications  of  improve- 
ment. Of  these,  perhaps  most  important  of  all,  are  the 
signs  that  the  point  of  view  of  a  large  and  influential 
section  of  the  community  is  changing,  and  becoming  at 
ouce  more  enlightened  and  more  sympathetic.  We  art) 
already  a  stage  beyond  the  mere  recognition  of  the  need 
to  live.  The  modern  world  is  read}^,  not  only  to  see  the 
necessity  of  life^  but  of  a  life  worth  living. 


230  SUnVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

On  examination,  we  find  tliat  almost  every  social  and 
economic  question,  includiug;  this  of  the  hours  of  labour, 
dt-rives  its  nltimate  practical  importance  from  a  more 
widely  spi'cad  and  more  human  cave  for  the  individual  life  ; 
John  Smith,  "  fit "  or  "  unfit,''  with  Mary  his  wife  and 
their  family  of  young  children — their  labour  and  their 
life — are  seen  to  be  the  final  cause  of  the  present  inquiry. 
But  when  we  thus  reach  the  individual,  we  reach  also  our 
dilemma.  John  Smith  is  a  ''free"  man,  and  so  also  is 
his  employer,  and  it  is  perhaps  the  highest  social  aim  to 
realize,  maintain,  and  develop  the  freedom  of  both,  in  their 
mutual  as  in  all  other  relationships.  If  therefore  it  suits 
the  one  and  seems  to  suit  the  other,  or  if  the  workman 
sees  no  other  road  open  to  him  but  to  accept  excessive 
hours  of  work,  in  what  directions  can  we  look  for  the 
solution  of  the  difiiculty  in  which  he  plunges  himself? 
Many  are  impatient  of  patience,  and  the  claims  of  slow 
methods  of  improvement  are  apt  to  elicit  a  chill  response. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  upon  them  that  progress  must  mainly 
rely. 


APPENDIX    TO    CHAPTER    VII. 


SUMMARY 


OF 


nOIJES   OF    WOEK,    OYEETIME,   AND   PrJNCIPAL   METHODS   OF 
PxEMUNERATIOX  IN  LONDON  TRADES. 


(A)  TRADES  WORKINa  48  HOURS  OR  LESS  PER  WEEK. 

Trade 

Rpcog- 

Method 

Group. 

Occupation. 

nized 
Hour.s. 

Remarks. 

of  Reiiiun- 
eratiun. 

Overtime,  &c. 

b 

Plumbers    

421—47 

Winter — summer 

Hour 

Overtime     reduced 

Sjp 

Making  yearly  average 

since  1892. 

?^   ■'' 

of  4(3  hours  per  week. 

8—11  p.m.,  time  and 

p>^ 

Work  begins  7  a.m. 

half  rate.    11 — 7  a.m., 

n 

double  time  rate 

i>^ 

Wood  carvers... 

48 

In  best  shops.     Else- 

Hour 

.  *^ 

where  same  as  cabi- 

WOOD- 
ORKERS 
[.,  p.  190, 
271. 

net-makers 

Dock-coopers... 

42       48 

Winter — summer 

Week 

Shipwrights   ... 

44^—51 

6.30a.m. — 5  p.m. .sum- 

Piece (a 

^   . 

mer.       Daylight      to 

few  on 

> 

dark,  winter 

day  work) 

Stained-glass 

44—48 

Some  work  54  hours 

Week 

painters 

fes^- 

Bookbinders  ... 

48 

Begin  8 — 9  a.m.     End 

Week 

Overtime  at  time  and 

^i 

6.30—7.30  p.m. 

and 

quarter       after       54 

oi 

piece 

hours.      Little    since 

^^ 

1892 

Book-edge  gild- 

48 

Obtained      after     few 

Week 

Short  time  usual  when 

2 

ers 

hours'  strike 

slack 

Marblers 

48 

54  hours  when  work- 
ing at  a  printer's 

Week 

Mat-makers    ... 

48 

Average  does  not    ex- 

Piece 

73 

Ed    r    . 

ceed  30.    Work  inter- 

mittent 

M  =  ft 

302  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

Trades  tcnrlcing  48  hours  or  less  per  week  {continued): — 


Trade 

Rppoe;. 

Mot  hod 

Group. 

Occu]>atii>n. 

ni/.i-il 

RoiiKirks. 

of  Kciiiun- 

Overtime.  &c. 

IIdui-s. 

eratior.. 

OCi^^- 

Feather-curlers 

48 

9  a.m. — 7  p.m.  on  week 

Week 

Overtime  after  7  p.m. 

X—>  S 

days  ;  3  p.m.  Satur- 

days 

V 

Sewer- flusters . 

(average) 

Seldom  exceed  50 

Week 

45 

Engravers  (cop- 

42-48 ' 

Hours  irregular,  espec- 

Piece 

a9  s'^ 

per  plate) 

ially    when    working 

Engravers(wood) 

42—48  ( 

in  employer's  room 

Piece    (a 

:5=<" 

few  by 

the  hour) 

~     X 

Scone-painters  . 

45—51 

10  a.m.  to  7  or  8  p.m. 

Week 

(B)  TRADES  WORKING  OVER  48  AND  UNDER  54  HOURS 

PER  WEEK. 


Clerks  of  works 

47- 

-50  fl 

Week     ( 

Overtime      much     re- 

Bricklavers  

Winter — summer 

Hour 

duced  since  1892,  ex- 

:« 

Masons    

1  Hours    fixed    for   all 
1     sections  of  the  build- 

cept for  those  engaged 
in  painting  and  white- 

■K 

Plasterers    

.§ 

Carpenters   and 

ing     trades     except 

washing 

o- 

miners   

i     plumbers,  by  agree- 
ment of  1892               ;- 

Overtime      rates     are 

Painters        and 

^ 

4.30  or  5 — 8  p.m.  at 

glaziers 

»t 

U 

Average  hours  for  the 

time  and    a   quarter. 

^^ 

Gas-fitters  

»» 

?J 

year,     48J.       Work 

»j 

8 — 10  p.m.  at  time  and 

»  a. 

Scalfolders 

begins  (5.30  or  7  a.m. 

M 

a  half.     After  10  p.m. 

Labourers   

Much   variation     in 

>> 

at  double  time.  Extra 

NN 

Smiths  and  fit- 

hours of  painters 

pay     for     work      on 

I 

ters  (builders). 
Marble-masons 

}» 

,.    ^ 

J 

» 

Saturday  afternoon 
and  on  Sundays 

and  polishers  . 

52- 

-54 

If 

1 

Cabinet-makers 

52- 

1 
-5G       Usually  52^  or  54 

Hour 

no 

and  piece 

'« 

Carvers   and 

52J — 53^  I  Men  on  common  frames 

Hour 

i 

gilders 

work  54  to  CO  hours 

and  piece 

and  are  piece-workers 

KS 

Upholsterers  ... 

52- 

-5G 

Hour 

3*: 

1  and  piece 

Mattress       and 

m 

Time  seldom  kept,  ex- 

Mostly 

Overtime   very  excep- 

palliasse-makers 

cept  when  busy 

piece 

tional.        Suppressed 

S2 

by  Trade  Society 

Brewers'   and 

51 

Start     in    summer   at 

Piece  (a 

{=5- 

other     tight 

7  a.m.  and  winter  at 

few  (lay 

coopers 

8  a.m.    Saturdays  at 

work) 

<)  a.m. 

1 

Riggers    

51 

Start  7  a.m. 

Day 

Men  paid  every  night. 

More  short  time  than 

overtime 

SUMMARY    OF  HOURS    OF   WORK,   ETC.  203 

Trades  tvnrJcing  over  48  and  under  54  hours  per  week  (continued) : — 


Trailo 

\\fC<V^. 

Mctliorl 

Group. 

Occupation. 

iii/.fd 
Hours. 

Roinarli.s. 

of  Hi-iiiuii- 
ciatiim. 

Ovortiiiip,  A:c. 

Tank-makers  or 

54 

About  40  hours  actu- 

Piece 

rivetteis 

ally  worked 

K^ 

Cutlers    

52 

Hour 

Extra      pressure      at 
Christmas 

Brass- woriers  . 

50-54 

54  regarded  by  union 

Hour 

as  maxnimm 

and  piece 

Tin    and    iron- 

50—54 

Stai-t  at  C  a.m.  in  ship- 

Hour 

Overtime  exceptional ; 

plate  workers  . 

ping  and  8  to  10  a.m. 

and  piece 

short  time  proverbial 

in  general  branches 

So 

Tin-canister 
makers 

51— 5G 

Piece 

Marked     decrease     in 

> 

amount  of  overtime 

Jewellers      and 

50 

Eeduced    from   56   by 

Hour 

A  great  deal  of  over- 

(K-^ 

goldsmiths 

trade  union  action 

and  piece 

time  when  busy,  bal- 

anced by  short  time 

^o 

when  slack 

Silversmiths  ... 

50—52 

In  some  cases  56.   Best 

Hour 

M" 

piece  hands   do  their 

and  piece 

O- 

work  betweenTuesday 

o- 

and  Friday  night 

Billiard -table 

51^ 

Begin  9  a.m. 

Hour 

Pi 

makers 

and  piece 

y^  ^-^ 

'  Glass-makers   . 

18—58 

48  hours  in  large  fac- 

Piece 

W=o 

tories 

&  m 

Match -makers  . 

52—56 

Begin    at     8    a.m.    in 

Men  by 

L-  CO 

winter  and  6  a.m.  in 

week ; 

summer 

girls  piece 

R.r=r: 

Curriers  

48—54 

Week 
and  piece 

>-(    - 

Fur-skin  dress- 

521—541 

Unhaircrs      start      at 

Piece 

Shavers  begin  later,  but 

ers 

8  a.m. 

(dyers  by 

may  not  tinish  before 

week) 

10  or  11  p.m. 

Brusli -makers  . 

48—54 

Factories   open   about 

Piece 

Work  intermittent 

8  or  ',)  liours  per  day 

Lifho  artists  ... 

53-54 

Some    only    work    44 

Week 

Overtime  in  busy  sea- 

1' 

hours 

son 

d"'' 

=^0" 

Paper-stainers  . 

52— 5G 

Block-printers  seldom 

Piece 

IMacliino  printers  may 

exceed  48 — 50  hours 

(machine 

work  70  hours  when 

!«d^ 

workers 

busy 

by  week) 

Bill-posters     ... 

52—56 

Start  7  or  8  a.m. 

Week 

> 

Sandwich  men . 

51—57 

Start  8.30  a.m. 

Day 

Overtime  after  6  p.m.  ; 
2il  per  hour 

204 

SlTiVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

Trades  worl-ing  over  48 

• 
and  under  51  Jtours  per  week  {continued): — 

Rocos- 

Jfethod 

Trade 

Occui^tion. 

iiized 

Eeniarks. 

of  Remun- 

Overtime,  &c 

Group. 

Hours. 

eratiou. 

7\   .£ 

Pattern   tracers 

48—54 

Week 

Much  overtime  in  busy 
seasons 

u"_rp5 

P^5 

Eass-drcssers... 

(about) 

Full       time      seldom 

Piece 

»<  .- 

52 

worked 

?           ^ 

Trimming 

51^—53^ 

8  a.m.  to  7  p.m.     1\ 

Weavers 

weavers  and 

hours  for  meals 

piece ; 

spinners 

spinners 
by  week 

Artificial-flower 

G2J— 55 

Men  work  60  hours,  ac- 

Piece(few 

^ 

makers 

cording  to  Board  of 

by  week) 

§» 

Trade  return 

Umbrella-frame 

40-52^ 

9   a.m.   to   8   p.m.   or 

Week 

makers       and 

9  a.m.  to  5  p.m. 

and  piece 

CO    •  — 

machinists 

sv 

Drapers'  whole- 

45—Gl 

These  hours  represent 

Yearly 

^'ii 

sale  salesmen 

the     two      extremes. 

salary, 

9  a.m.  to  5  or  G  p.m. 

board 

fri^ 

in  winter,  antl  till  7  or 

and 

8  p.m.  in  summer 

lodging 

"a 

Silk-hatters    ... 

49—59 

9  a.m.  to  8  p.m.  Jan- 

Piece 

Hours    given    include 

^ 

uary — July.      9  a.m. 
to     G    p.m.     July — 
December 

meal    times.     March 
very       busy  —  meals 
taken  at  work.   Hours 
under    48    in    slack 
time 

Felt-hatters    ... 

49—54 

A  nominal  9  hours  day 

Piece 

c  5i| 

Tobacco  workers 

50 

9  a.m.  to  7  p.m.    Half 

Week 

^-:;i 

day  on  Saturday 

and  piece 

y. 

Fish  -  salesmen 

48—54 

5  a.m.  to  1  or  2  p.m. 

Week 

9H-- 

(wholesale) 

Not  much  work  after 

t^      -r-r 

9  a.m. 

i^  i^ 

Gardeners 

48—54 

Winter — summer 

Week 

(County  Coun- 

- ;Z~  t. 

cil) 

1 

SUMMARY  OF  HOURS   OF  WORK,   ETC.  205 

Trades  worhlng  over  43  and  under  5t  hours  per  week  (confinned): — 


Tragic 

Recof;- 

Mctlio.1 

Group. 

Occupation. 

11  i  zed 
Hours. 

Rpiiuirka. 

of  Ki'iiiun- 
cratiiiii. 

Overtime,  &C. 

c/5 

Dock  ollicials.. 

48—54 

8      a.m.  —  4.30    p.m. 

Week 

No  pay  for    overtime, 

•^ 

summer.         9      a.m. 

but  lime  off  allowed  in 

— 4.30  p.m.  winter 

compensation 

<  - 

Warehousemen 

45—51 

Winter — summer. 

Week 

40  hours  when  slack  to 

(bonded) 

68  when  busy.     Extra 

pay  given  by  employ- 

•J J" 

ers  to  officials 

^ 

Coal -porters   ... 

48—54 

Average   9  hours   per 

Piece 

day,  but  much  longer 

>• 

when  unloading  ships 

C5     2 

Artilicial  -  teeth 

48^-51 

8  or  8.30  a.m.  to  6  p.m. 

Week 

Overtime  about  0  hours 

■  tq     e^ 
g3    2 

makers 

Saturdays  2  p.m. 

per  week  throughout 

the  year 

OK    - 

Photographers  . 

51—54 

8  a.m  to  G.30  or  7  p.m. 
ItV  hours  for  meals 

Week 

In  studios  52-(J0  hours 
usual,  and  sometimes 

part  of  Sunday 

Park-attendants 

(Average) 

48  hours  per  week  from 

Week 

Overtime    rates    from 

a<5    > 

52.^ 

November     to      Feb- 

(id to  l^d  per  hour 

^2   -• 

ruary.     54  for  rest  of 

M         ;J 

year 

(C)  TRADES  WORKING  54  AND  UNDER  60  HOURS  PER  WEEK. 


JO     o 

Slaters  and 

5151 

One  witness  says  55^ 

Hour 

Some  overtime,  but  no 

C3     f»  '- 

tilers 

hours 

special  rates 

French  -  polish- 

55^ 

Pieduced  to  52i  when 

Hour 

Time  and  a  quarter  for 

ers 

working  with   Build- 

first 2  hours.       Time 

ei 

ing  Trades 

and  a  half  for  second 

Ol 

2  hours.  Double  rates 

•  O 

for  over  4  hours 

Glass-bevellers. 

54 

All  grades  included 

Piece  and 

hour 

Gilders    

52—58 

SCth   usual  in  picture- 

Hour 

K' 

frame  shops 

c22 

Bos-makers    ... 

5G^ 

7  a.m.  to  7  p.m.,  and  (ill 

Piece 

o  2* 

2  p.m.  on  Saturdays 

^- 

Packing-case 

56.i 

Start  work  0  a.m. 

Hour 

t— i 

makers 

> 

Basket-makers . 

60 

Hours  irregular.     J\len 
seldom    start    before 
9  a.m. 

Piece 

206  SVEVEY  ASD   CONCLUSIONS. 

Trades  working  54  and  under  60  hours  per  week  (continued): — 


Tnide 
Gruup. 


.'.  ei 


SM7       > 

G    - 


Occnpation. 


Recoj;- 
nizeil 
Hours. 


Bamboo    and 
caue  workers 


59 


Barge-builders , 


54 


Mast  and  block     51—57 
makers 


Sail-makers    ...         5-4 


Engineers,  &c. 


Gas-meter 

makers 
Boiler  -  makers 

and    iron-ship 

builders 


Farriers 


Iron-founders. 


Iron-Fafe 
makers 


54 
54 


54— CI 


Reiunrks. 


7   a.m.  to   7 
factories 


p.m.    in 


Wood-choppers.     50 — 57 


Van -builders....  '       54 


Coach-builders .  '  54 — 55^; 


Lath-renders  ...      56 — 57 


Nominally  fixed,  but 
vei-y  irregular  in 
practice 

0  a.m.  to  5  p.m.,  or 
7  a.m.  to  G  p.m. 


7  a.m.  to  7  p.m. ;  2  p.m. 
on  Saturdays.  2  hours 
for  meals 


Winter — summer. 
Winter,      November  1 
— February  14 

Work  very  irregular 


G  a.m.  to  5  p.m.  1p.m. 
on  Saturdays.  Hours 
rather  longer  in  Hail- 
way  sliops 


These  hours  are  for 
omnibus  and  tram- 
yards.  Ordmary  for- 
ges start  (')  a.m.  and 
go  on  till  linirilied 


Nominal.  Average  pro- 
bably under  50  hours 


Motliod 

of  Keiiuin- 

eratiou. 


Overtime,  &c. 


Piece  (a      Vovy    lonj 
few  by    i     times 
week) 

Piece 


hours    at 


Piece 
and  time 


Piece 

Piece 
Day 

Day 
Piece 


Long  hours  more  com- 
mon with  small  than 
witli  large  employers, 
especially  in  busy 
summer  months 


Overtime    rate,    lO^d. 
Very  little  worked 


Mainly 

Time    and    a    quarter 

by  week 

tirst  2  hours.     Time 

— some 

and  a  half  afterwards. 

piece 

But     little     overtime 

now  worked 

Piece 

Day      j  Double   rates    (Is   Gd) 
and  alter  5  p.m.     24 — 30 

piece  !  hours  at  a  stretch 
permissible  on  ship 
repairs  under  Union 

rules 

j 

Day      I  9  to  0^  hours  a  normal 
and  day 

piece 


Week  Overtime  at  customary 
extra  rates 

Piece  Overtime  unknown, 
except  when  fixing 
safes  at  a  bank 


SVUniAIlY  OF  HOURS   OF  WORK,   ETC.  207 

Trades  working  54  and  under  GO  hours  per  week  {contimied): — 


Trade 

Recog- 

Jlcthod 

Groui). 

Occupation. 

nized 
Hours. 

Rcinark.'J 

of  Reinun- 
eratlon. 

Overtims,  &c 

Type-founders  . 

5-4 

One  firm  works  48 

Hour, 
week,  or 

piece 

^    ^ 

Brass-founders . 

54 

Task  qualification  for 

Hour 

„    1   en  ^ 

moulders 

O  ~    .CO 

"Rrn«;^-fini^hG^s 

54 

Hour  or 

AJLCLSO     XaX^XoLI^kXO  * 

piece 

-.             r- 

Coppersmiths... 

54 

Irregular,     except     in 

Hour  or 

t-4 

railway  shops 

day 

«     -o- 

Ppwtprprs 

54—58 

Week 

S       > 

X  ^  (V  v\^i.  yii.  o       ••••.• 

and  piece 

Wire-workers... 

55— GO 

Usually  start  8  a.m. 

Piece 

rJloplc-mjilvPrs    . 

54 

Hnnr 

Philosophical 
Instrument 

54—60 

Hour 

and  piece 

CO 

o 

makers 

«o" 

Surgical  Instru- 

52—58i 

Averages     shown      by  i     Week 

Overtime  the  rule 

O  lo" 

ment  makers  . 

wages'  returns 

Jivi 

Electric     light- 

54—56 

8      hour      shifts      for 

Week 

Much     overtime     for 

.CO* 

ing  workers 

engine-room  staff 

some  men 

:^s 

Pianoforte 

54—56 

48   in   large    firms   in 

Piece 

Work  until  10  or  mid- 

makers 

surxmer 

night     when      busy 

favoured  by  men 

w" 

Harmonium 

54—56 



Time 

is 

and   American 

and  piece 

O  CO 

organ    makers 

Si 

Cricket-ball 

56 

Piece 

Overtime    when    very 

2? 

makers 

busy 

.-; 

Other  makers  of 

(about) 

r^ 

games'     mate- 

56 

.2 

rials 

Tobacco     pipes 

(about) 

8.30  a.m.  to  8  p.m. 

(briar)  makers 

55 

gs 

Stained-glass 

(about) 

Week 

glaziers 

54 

£^= 

Earthenware 

56—60 

Standard     hours,    but 

Piece 

s§ 

throwers     and 

not  well  kept 

< 

moulders 

t5  o~ 

Kiln-setters    ... 

(irregular) 

Dependent  on  cooling 

Piece 

^«. 

of  kilns 

S  o. 

Eed-potters    ... 
Chemical  \York- 

56 

Piece 

54—56 

Hour 

20  or  even  30  hours' 

ers 

or  week 

overtime  when  busy. 

Two  shifts  sometimes 

IB'' 

worked 

•208  SURVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

Trades  working  54  and  ttnder  60  hours  joer  week  {continued): — 


Traile 

Recog- 

Jletliod 

Groui". 

Occupation. 

nized 
Hours. 

Remarks. 

of  Reinun- 
eration . 

Overtime,  &c. 

White-lead 

50—59 

Casual   work.     3  days 

Day  or 

a  "^ 

workers 

only  worked  by  those 

week 

1- 

in  unhealthy  depart- 

|s 

ments 

k^ 

Leather-gljizers 
Portmanteau 

57—60 

Week 

Week 

Overtime  about  1  day 
per  week  during  sum- 

makers 

54 

and 

r;"l 

piece 

mer,  but   short  time 

from       October       to 

March 

5s 

Fancy     leather 
workers 

54 

Week 

Very  busy  November, 
slack  after  Christmas 

<  ^ 

•5  H! 

SadiUers 

5Ci 

Piece,  a 

>*  " 

J 

few    by 

^  , 

the  hour 

X.3 

Horse-hair 
workers 

5G 

Piece 

Compositors  ... 

5-i 

8  a.m.  to  7  or  7.30  p.m. 
Saturdays  12  or  2  p.m. 

Week 
and  piece 

.  • 

Machine  mana- 

51 

8  a.m.  to  7  p.m.   Satur- 

Week 

Much     overtime     and 

CO 

gers 

days  2  p  m.   12  hours 

night  work  on  news- 

§ 

for  night-men,  7—7 

papers     and     maga- 

CM 

zines 

S* 

Rotary      print- 
ing; -  machine 

51 

Week 

Special  overtime  rates 

04 

CO* 

workers 

Warehousemen 

54 

Week 

Much  night  work 

ei 

and  cutters 

r*  ^1 

Copperplate 

54 

Full   time   worked  by 

Piece 

vr,l\ 

printers 

few 

B°' 

Lithographic 
printers 

54 

Week 

Not    much     overtime 

5=-r 

except     for     artists. 

e-^ 

. 

Special    rales    when 

00 

necessary 

CI 

Vellum  binders 

54 

Usually   employed    in 

Week 

o 

printing    works    and 

CI 

follow  printers'  hours 

Envelope   mak- 

48—59 

8.30  a.m.  to  0,  7  or  8 

Piece 

Learners  paid  weekly 

& 

ers 

p.m. 

wages 

M 

Cardboard    box 

55—58 

8  or  9  a.m.  to  8  p  m. 

Mainly 

^ 

makers 

piece 

1 

Paper-bag  mak- 
ers 

57i— 58J 

8  a.m.  to  8  p.m.     1  or 
2  p.m.  Saturdays 

Piece 

Stationers' 

54 

Same  hours  as  printers 

Week 

countermen 

(wholesale) 

St/JL'.V.iiJi 

■  OF  HOURS   OF  WOEK,   ETC 

209 

Trades  xcorMnq  54  a?i( 

1  under  GO  hours  pe 

r  week  {continued)  : — 

Trade 

Rocog- 

Method 

3ruui>. 

Occupation. 

iiiziMl 

Remarks. 

of  Kciiuin- 

Overtime,  &c. 

Hours. 

eration. 

Tailors'     sales- 

58—Gl 

Less  5  to  7^  hours  for 

Week 

65 — 78  hours  in  subur- 

. 

men 

meals.     8.30  a.m.  to 

ban  shops,  meals  ex- 

7 or  7.30  p.m. 

cluded 

Cap  makers  ... 

(about) 

8  a.m.  to  8  p.m. 

Piece 

Work    for    8    months 

CO 
CO  r^ 

60 

in  year  only 

Milliners      and 

59i 

Maximum.     8.30  a.m. 

Week 

Maximum  is  generally 

O      . 

dressmakers 

to    8    p.m.     4    p.m. 

and 

worked   during   busy 

r^ 

Saturdays 

piece 

season      and      often 

^ 

exceeded 

>• 

Walking-stick 

57 

8  a.m.  to  8  p.m.  6  p.m. 

Week 

makers 

on  Mondays.     2  p.m. 
Saturdays 

and 
piece 

Millers    

59 

Day  and  night  shifts 

Week 

Overtime     general    in 
mills 

^'.L  ALAV^Ah.^              »«*■•■**« 

Brewers  

50—04 

Start  5  or  G  a.m.  and 

Week 

Unusual  to  allow  over- 

^ 

continue  till  work  is 

time  rates 

CO 

done 

cT 

Mineral-water 

55 

8  a.m.  to  7.30  p.m. 

Week 

Much      overtime      ia 

C-l 

makers 

and  piece 

summer 

o 

Confectioners... 

(about) 

7  a.m.  to  7  p.m.  when 

Men  by 

(M 

58 

working      in      bake- 

week; 

ti'o" 

house 

women 

^^i 

by  week 

gi 

and  piece 

gs" 

Butchers'  sales- 

(about) 

Inclusive    of      meals. 

Week 

■«!rH- 

men    (whole- 

56 

Smithheld     opens    4 

CO 

sale) 

a.m. 

CS-' 

Haddock  curers 

(about) 

Start  10  a.m. 

Day 

Extra   pay   for   night 

54 

work 

o 

Grocei-s'    ware- 

54 

One  case  44  hours 

Week 

Overtime  — Oct. — Jan. 

g 

housemen 

paid  -id  to  %d  per  hour 

- 

(wholesale) 

^ 

Meat      essence 

51—57 

Men   8  a.m.    to    7.30 

Week 

Overtime  M  per  hour 

^ 

makers 

p.m.,  and  women    9 

> 

a.m.  to  7  p.m. 

Cellar-men 

54 

45    hours    in    bonded 
warehouses.       Begin 
8  a.m. 

Week 

Distillers    

51— GO 

Week 

Platelayers 

54 

Average   9  hours   per 

Week 

C  ^    '    • 

day,       exclusive      of 

( 

^;i 

meals 

1 

14 


210 

SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

TraJes  worJiiug  54  a»( 

I  under  60  hours  'per  ioeeli-{con tinned)  : — 

Trade 

Rocdg- 

Metliod 

Group. 

Occuivition. 

iiizeil 
Hours. 

Remarks. 

of  Hciiiun- 
er.ition. 

Overtime,  &c. 

Gasworkera    ... 

52—54 

52  in   carbonisins  de- 

Week  (a 

72  hours  when  working 

k-5 

i:)artment.       Start     6 

few 

2  shifts  in  the  carbon- 

. cT 

a.m.      Sometimes    3 

piece) 

ising  department 

^' 

shifts  of  8  hours 

S^^ 

Engine    drivers 

52— GO 

Hours  vary  with  trade 

Hour  or 

Overtime  rates  depend- 

< 

and     tirenien 

with  which  it  is  con- 

week 

ent      on      connected 

(stationary) 

nected 

trade 

^ 

Stevedores 

54 

7  a.m.  to  5  p.m.  Niftht 
work  5  p.m.  to  7  a.m. 

Day 

l.s  per  hour  for  over- 
time 

U 

Road  sweepers.. 

48— GO 

Average    54    to     58^ 

Vv^eek 

Overtime  very  rare 

o 

hours.      50     to      54 

^» 

hours  in  winter 

s« 

Dustmen 

55—60 

Average.         Extremes 

Week 

C£§ 

range   from   48— 71^ 

(some 

^£5 

hours 

gratuitiesj 

^:-.- 

Slopmen 

55-GO 

Extreme    range    46 — 

Week 

c"." 

71 A  hours 

!:-"s 

GuUvmen   

48-GO 

Week 

Street     masons 

48—60 

About  56  is  the  average 

Week 

tn"  i 

and  paviors 

Cd"5 

Eoad   lal)Ourers 

Shampooers 
(Turkish  bath) 

48    60 
54     72 

Week 
Week 

and 

gratuities 

Hairdressers  ... 

60  -66 

Less  9  hours  for  meals. 

Week 

In  season  some  work 

2> 

y  a.m.  to  7  or  8  p.m. 

(wig- 

after  shop  is  closed 

C4 

makers 

piece) 

(D)  TRADES  WORKING 

60  AND  UNDER 

72  HOURS 

PER  WEEK. 

X 

White  coopers.. 

CO 

Piece 

^6  . 

Metallic      cask 
and         drum 
makers 

GO 

Nominal.      Not    more 
tlian     52—54     hours 
actually  worked 

Piece     j 

CO     . 

'-'  '^.  J 

Gold  and  silver 
wire   drawers 
and  spinners 

32i-65 

Slack  and  ordinary  full 
time 

Day  and 
piece 

SUMMARY  OF  HOURS   OF  WORK,   ETC. 


211 


Trades  ivorldng  60  and  under  72  hours  'per  week  [continued) :— 


Trade 

Recog- 

Method 

Group. 

Occupation. 

nizeil 
Hours. 

Remarks. 

of  Rnniiu- 
eratioii. 

Overtime,  &c. 

Soap  and  candle 

60— G2i 

10  or  lOi  hours   day. 

Day  and 

Much   overtime   when 

ocgj 

makers 

G    a.m.     to     G     p.m. 

piece 

bu.sy.     lieturns  show 

c:   - 

Saturdays  4  p.m. 

average  ranges  of  5GJ 

£?; 

to  G'ji  hours 

H- 

Glue    and    size 

Gl 

Week 

<'^ 

makers 

Lime       jobbers 
(leather 

GO 

TTonT" 

Often  work  overtime 

Is 

XXVUl 

-i: 

dressing) 

Tanners 

GO 

Week 
and  piece 

Usually  make  5  hours 
overtime  per  week 

g:3 

Shedmen 

Long 

Often  work  on  Sundays 

Hour 

M> 

(leather 
dressing) 

hours 

and  piece 

Paper  makers... 

60— G6 

Women — men.     Two 
12    hour     shifts    for 

Week 

Men  on  machines  aver- 
age .573  hours,  omit- 

Ci 

men 

ting  meal  times 

c^ 

Stationers' 

(about) 

Less  6  to  81  hours  for 

Week 

ds 

countermen 

Gl— 7i 

meals 

i:- 

(retail) 

ps 

Booksellers' 

(about) 

Less  6  to  81  hours  for 

Week 

52 

countermen 

61—74 

meals 

(retail) 

Newsagents 

(about) 

Start  3  or  4  a.m.  for 

Week 

•3 

(wholesale) 

62- G6 

country  trade,  and  3  to 
5.bO   a.m.    for    town 
trade 

Drapers  (whole- 

61 

8     a.m.     to     8    p.m. 

Month  or 

Longer  hours  on  show 

K-'S 

sale) 

normal 

week 

days 

§5^ 

Drapers  (retail) 

59—74^ 

Women  5G — 67  hours 

Month  or 

71 — 76   hours  in   me- 

^>S 

week 

dium  sized  shops  and 
still  longer  in  winter 

Sugar  refiners... 

GO 

Two  12  hour  shifts.    2 

Week 

Work  regular  through 

-r 

hours     allowed      for 

year 

s 

meals 

1 

Oil  millers 

G2J 

Two    12    hour    shifts 

Week 

Bonus    given    on    in- 

from    midnight     on 

creased  out-put 

2  -s' 

Sunday 

= 

Oil  refiners 

GO 

G  a.m.  to  6  p.m.  with 

Week 

•3 

1^  hours  for  meals 

> 

Bakers      (bread  | 

60 

These      are      factory 

Week 

Time  and  a  half  paid 

1 

and  biscuit) 

hours 

1 

after  GO  hours 

14  * 


212 


SlTiVEY  A}^'D   CONCLUSIONS. 


Trades  working  60  and  under  72  hours  per  week  {continued): — 


Tra.Ie 

Recng. 

Method 

Gruup. 

Occuiv-tion. 

iiizeil 
Hours. 

Remarks. 

of  Heiiiun- 
eiatioii. 

Overtime,  &c. 

Engine  drivers . 

GO 

10  hours'  day  and  no 

Week 

Overtime  at  time  and  a 

^ 

meal  times.    Si  hours 

quarter  frequent 

^« 

on  District  Railway 

£5 

Passenger  guards 

Firemen 

Gardeners  (job- 

60 

Week 

CO 
C0-C3 

Week 
Day  and 

In  summer,  hours  begin 

Overtime  paid  1\(l  to 

c- 

bing,   nursery, 

G  a.m.    Winter,  day- 

piece 

4^d     per     hour     for 

'^ 

or  market) 

light  to  dusk 

market  gardeners  on 
special  jobs 

•£ 

Export  packers. 

Gl 

7  a.m.  to  7  p.m.  Meals 

Week 

Overtime   not  uncom- 

5^-' 

l^r  hours.     Saturdays 

mon 

S~3 

till  1  p.m. 

<?3 

Wharf  labourers 

60—72 

6  or  8  a.m.  to  G  p.m. 

Hour  or 

week 

Asphalte     pav- 
iors 

57— GC 

Week 



Grave  diggers... 

(about) 

6   a.m.   to   6  p.m.     2 

Week 

Overtime  worked  when 

60 

hours  for  meals 

and  piece 

busy  in  winter 

^—  fi 

Waitresses 

(about) 

8   a.m.  to  8  p.m.   (in 

Week 

5:?>H 

GO 

tea  rooms) 

(some 

CC  X  ® 

gratuities) 

£^7 

Washing  service 

CO 

Full     hours      seldom 

Men  by 

Overtime  3d  per  hour 

worked      except     by 

week  ; 

after  8  p.m. 

packers  and  sorters 

women 

Eo" 

day  and 

o    > 

piece 

5    -= 

Barbers  

CO— 85 

9  a.m.  to  8  p.m.  with  1 

Week 

Longer  hours  usual  in 

k:  > 

hour  for  meals 

(some 

small  shops 

gratuities) 

(E)  TRADES  WOKKrXG  72  HOURS  AND  UPYf  ARDS  PER  WEEK. 


Kewsagents 
(retail) 

81 

Less  meal  times.  Begin 
6  a.m. 

Week 

ha 

Hosiers    

71 

Start  8.30  a.m. 

Month  or 
week 

SUMMARY  OF  nouns   OF   WORK,   ETC. 
Trailcs  xi'orlclnrj  72  hours  and  upwards  per  wceh  {continue'!)  : — • 


213 


Traile 

Hi'coc;- 

Methrxl 

Gruup. 

Occupation. 

nizej 
Hours. 

Remarks. 

of  Ki-iiiun- 
crution. 

OvRrtime,  &c. 

Draymen  (brew.- 

64—101 

74 — 101  in  busy  weeks. 

Week 

Time   off    allowed   by 

ers) 

(54 — 'J4  in  slack  weeks 

one  firm 

Bakers  (bread)  . 

70-80 

Hours  in  retail  shops 

Week 

Some  work  90  to  100 
hours 

CO 

Market  porters . 

72 

Hours  vary,  but  aver-  | 

Day  and 

*n 

age  not  less  than  12 

piece 

eo 

per  day 

to 

CI 

Cowmen 

88 

Inclusive  of  meal  times, 

Week 

« 

4  a.m.  to  5  p.m. 

1-^ 

r-4 

Milk       carriers 

75 

Meal   times   excluded. 

Week 

(wholesale) 

Start  4  a.m. 

Milk       carriers 

(about) 

Including  meals.  Start 

Week 

Work  every  day  in  the 

(retail) 

87 

5  a.m. 

year 

1- 

Butchers'  shop- 

(about) 

Including  meals.  Start 

Week 

man  (retail) 

84 

6  or  7  a.m. 

Fishmongers 

(about) 

7   a.m.   to    9  p.m.     2 

Week 

(retail) 

72 

hours  for  meals 

Grocers  (retail). 

70—75 

8  a.m.  to  9.o0  p.m. 

Week 

Close  11  or  12  on  Fri- 

P4 

days  and  Saturdays 

_ 

Greengrocers 

(about) 

Start  3  a.m. 

Vv'eek 

(— * 

(retail) 

84 

Q 

Barmen  

81—88 

Average  12  to  13  hours 

Week 

> 

per   day   and    10    on 
Sundays 

Potmen  

81—88 

Average  12  to  13  hours 
per    (lay    and    10   on 
Sundays 

Week 

Omnibus      and 

72 

And  upwards 

NYeek 

Some   work    15   hours 

o 

CI 

tram    drivers 

and  9  hours  on  alter- 

CO 

and    conduc- 

nate days 

CO 

tors 

Cabmen  

82—88 

l.*^  or  14  hours  a  day 

By  the 

usual 

job 

O  " 

Carmen  

90 

And  upwards 

Week 

Average  probably  96 — 

C  S 

100.    Overtime  some- 

I-! CO 

times      allowed     for 

Mail      cart 

(average) 

Week 

extra  loads 

drivers 

yO— 100 

*-l 

Goods'  guards  . 

77 

11  hours  per  day 

Week 

1 

Kailway  carmen 

(average) 
84 

About    14    hours    per 
day 

Week 

214  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

Trades  icorhlng  72  hours  and  tip  wards  jper  week  (continued)  : — 


Tniile 
Gruup. 

Occnpation. 

Rec":.;- 

niztd 

Hours. 

Remarks. 

Jletliod 

of  Remuu- 

eration. 

Overtime,  &c. 

O 

Signalmen 

56—84 

8 — 12  hours  per  day 

Week 

Much      overtime      in 

"S^ 

foggy  weather 

2V 

Railway  porters 

84 

Week  of  7  days  of  12 

Week 

^  SO 

hours 

(some 

fl 

gratuities) 

Shunters 

5C-S4 

8 — 12  hours  per  day 

Week 

•1 " 

Lightermen    ... 

72 

Full  week 

Day 

Increased  to  90  or  100 

hours  when  on  night- 

C- 

work 

c"" 

Watermen 

72 

12  hour  day 

By  the 

Overtime  at  time  and  a 

"1 

job 

half  after  14  hours 

Coal  carmen  ... 

73 

Including  meals.  Start 

Piece 

!?- 

6  a.m. 

Waiters  

72-S4 

The  longer  hours  are 
worked  by  foreigners 

Week 
(and 

gratuities) 

CJ      5i 

Barmaids   

(about) 

Start  7  a.m. 

Week 

80 

Bath  attendants 

72—90 

For  men 

Week 

?■■= 

(some 

^> 

gratuities) 

Note. — The  above  tables  show  in  a  general  way  the  hours  prevailing  or  recognized  as  normal 
in  the  various  occupations  mentioned.     Here  and  there  the  outside  ranges  have  been  indicated, 
while  in  other  cases  averages  or  hours  usually  worked  have  been  given.     It  will  be  necessary  in 
all  cases  where  greater  accuracy  is  required  to  refer  back  to  the  descriptions  given  in  former' 
volumes  of  the  industries  themselves  and  their  various  branches. 

For  instance,  tankmakers,  who  tigure  among  those  trades  "  working  over  forty-eight  but  under 
fifty-four  hours,"  are  so  placed  because  their  recognized  full  week  is  one  of  fifty-four  hours ; 
while  in  point  of  fact  they  rarely  work  over  forty  hours.  In  the  same  way  the  normal  week  of 
glass-makers.  metaUic-cask  makers,  hatters,  silversmiths,  sail-makers,  &c.,  is  one  of  shorter 
duration  than  their  nominal  full  week;  while  that  of  bakers,  drapers,  &c.,  is  normally  one  of 
greater  length  than  that  indicated  in  the  table. 

Where  a  trade  has  more  than  one  branch,  and  where  these  branches  work  different  hours  and 
are  sufliciently  distinct  to  be  treated  as  different  occupations,  they  are  scheduled  separately. 
Tbos,  coopers  will  be  found  under  the  sub-heads  of  dock  coopers,  brewers'  coopers  and  white 
coopers  ;  in  the  same  way,  builders'  smiths  are  distinguished  from  engineers'  smiths. 

Except  where  special  mention  is  made  to  the  contrary,  meal  times  have  been  deducted  in 
stating  th<f  "  recognized "  hours.  For  some  occupations,  such  as  drovers,  slaughter-men, 
private  coachmen,  waterworks'  turn-cocks,  law-writers,  theatrical  property-men,  &c.,  the  hours 
of  work  are  so  indefinite  that  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  give  even  an  "average  "  figure  for 
tbcm,  and  they  liavc  therefore  been  omitted  from  the  tables. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


METHODS  OF  REMUNERATION  :    TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK. 

The  method  of  remuneration  adopted  in  any  particular 
trade  is  connected  with  far-reaching  industrial  relationships, 
ranging  from  a  chance  connection  with  a  stranger  taken 
on  for  an  odd  hour  to  perform  some  casual  task,  to  the 
fullest  application  of  the  principle  of  industrial  co-partner- 
ship. These  two  extremes  illusti*ate  the  maximum  and 
minimum  of  interest  in  the  service  rendered  or  the  work 
done;  between  them  we  have  every  form  of  tie — the  per- 
manent man  on  a  weekly  wage,  the  piece-worker,  tlie 
combination  of  a  task-performance  with  a  time-wage,  or, 
it  may  be,  the  arrangement  by  which  a  small  group  of  men, 
practising  co-operation  in  its  most  elementary  form,  share 
among  themselves  the  money  earned. 

Sometimes  the  method  of  remuneration  adopted  in  a 
trade  has  been  introduced  on  the  initiative  of  those  em- 
ployed, but  employers  too  are  seeking  constantly  for  the 
plan  that  will  secure  them  the  best  service.  Their 
methods  vary  largely.  Some  believe  that  constant  superin- 
tendence is  essential  for  labour  of  every  kind,  while 
others  strive  to  dispense  with  overlooking,  and  endeavour 
to  secure  a  response  by  other  means  :  some  employers 
try  to  touch  men's  hearts,  others  their  fears ;  some  look 
far  ahead  and,  with  abundant  care,  endeavour  to  train  up 
and  secure  the  services  of  a  body  of  men  who  may  become 
their  trusted  helpers,  while  others  are  content  to  meet  the 
business  necessity  of  the  moment,  and,  guided  mainly  by 
the  supply  that  offers  of  the  particular  labour  they  require, 
think  little  or  nothing  of  people,  but  everything  of  results. 
In  such  cases  the  business  relationship  is  apt  to  be  unre- 


216  SURVEY  AXD   COXCLUSIOXS. 

Kercd ;  aud  sei'vice  can  scarcely  be  touched  by  any  kindly 
feeling. 

"We  find  a  corresponding^  variation  in  the  attitude  of 
those  who  are  employed.  The  work  done  for  a  wage  may 
be  regarded  simply  as  a  task,  or  it  may  become  a  genuine 
part  of  life.  It  may  be  accompanied  by  a  real  interest  in 
a  corporate  success,  or  it  may  be  regarded  simply  as  a 
minimum  that  has  to  be  accomplished  in  order  that  employ- 
ment may  be  retained. 

In  spite  of  everything  tliat  may  operate  to  the  contrary, 
the  basis  of  industrial  relationship,  in  the  majority  of  cases, 
is  personal,  deriving  its  strength  very  largely  from  its 
moral  character  irrespective  of  the  particular  form  in  which 
it  is  manifested,  which,  in  itself,  may  or  may  not  be  good. 
Loyalty  and  mutual  consideration  will  bo  found  in  the 
sweater's  den,  while  disaffection  may  creep  into  even  a 
co-operative  undertaking,  and  the  sharing  of  profits  is  no 
guarantee  against  misunderstanding.  At  the  same  time 
any  form  to  be  satisfactory  must  rest  upon  a  sound 
economic  basis,  and  must,  sooner  or  later,  stand  con- 
demned, if  not  compatible  with  the  intelligent  uso  of 
capital  and  the  efficient  direction  of  labour.  "  Better  '* 
relationships  can  in  no  way  avoid  the  penalty  that  a  weaker 
economic  position  will  ultimately  involve :  the  friction  and 
probable  failure  that  will  follow. 

The  most  important  varieties  in  the  methods  of  re- 
muneration adopted  are  payment  by  piece  and  by  time,  and 
to  these  we  now  turn. 

Their  practical  importance  is  dependent  in  the  first  place 
on  the  elasticity  of  the  springs  of  action  of  the  individual 
worker.  It  may  be  argued,  indeed,  that  the  adoption  of 
a  time-rate  or  a  piece-rate  system  of  payment  should 
make  no  difference  in  the  amount  of  work  executed, 
provided  that  the  conditions  of  employment  are  felt  to  bo 
reasonable,  and   the  moral  standard   of   the   operative   is 


METHODS  OF  BEMUNERATIO}^ :   TIME  AXD  PIECE-WOnK.  217 

sufFiciently  high.  But  it  is  found  that  the  impulse  to  effort 
is  almost  inevitably  affected  by  the  method  of  remuneration 
under  which  men  work. 

At  present  the  trend  of  the  opinion  of  wage-earners  in 
many  trades  is  against  piece-work,  and  when  corporate 
action  has  been  taken  it  has  been  generally  in  favour  of 
the  adoption  of  time-rates  of  pay.  The  historic  struggles 
of  the  engineers,  and  of  many  branches  of  the  building 
trades,  have  been  in  favour  of  this  change,  and  the 
prominence  given  to  the  claims  of  time-work  in  labour 
disputes  which  have  tui-ned  on  changes  in  system  of  pay- 
ment has  somewhat  misguided  public  opinion  in  regard  to 
this  question,  and  led  to  the  assumption  that  time-work  is 
more  largely  prevalent,  in  trades  in  which  some  other 
system  might  be  accepted,  than  is  really  the  case.  As  regards 
London  especially,  this  misapprehension  is  perhaps  more 
than  usually  widespread,  owing  to  the  extent  to  which 
payment  by  piece  has  been  abolished  in  the  building 
trades.* 

The  facts,  so  far  as  they  have  been  obtained,  are  embodied 
in  the  table  on  pages  201-214. 

With  a  large  number  of  occupations  there  is  no  room  for 
choice.  Their  special  conditions  practically  necessitate  the 
adoption  of  one  system  or  the  other.  Thus  home-work, 
executed  away  from  the  superintendence  of  the  employer, 
and  often  taken  up  by  women  in  time  spared  from  other 
duties,  is  necessarily  piece-work.  On  the  other  hand,  many 
services  must  be  paid  by  time,  because  the  results  cannot 
be  separately  estimated ;  those,  for  instance,  connected  with 
all  forms  of  locomotion,  and  with  most  branches  of  retail 
distribution.  In  transport  and  general  labour  nearly  all 
are  paid  by  time,  and  in  several  groups  in  the  building 
trade,  payment  cannot  well  be  made  on  any  other  system. 
But  where  either  system  is  available,  as  with  the  various 

*  The  piece-work  that  exists  in  the  building  trades  is  merely  sub-contract. 
The  ••  piece-master  "  pays  his  men  by  the  hour. 


•218  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

branches  of  manufacture,  it  is  found,  so  far  as  our  figures 
go,  that  the  number  of  piece-workers  among  men  consider- 
ably exceeds  that  of  time-workers,  and  that  among  women, 
similarly  engaged,  piece-work  is  almost  universal.  Speak- 
ing generally,  the  only  large  classes  of  women  employed 
as  manual  workers,  who  are  exclusively  paid  by  time,  are 
charwomen,  washerwomen  and  domestic  servants. 

It  may  be  claimed  that  the  principle  of  giving  a  bonus, 
which  may  be  introduced  into  almost  any  business,  is  a  form 
of  payment  by  results  which  is  the  essence  of  piece-work. 
But  it  would  be  straining  the  application  of  the  term  to 
describe  the  sharing  of  the  profits  that  result  from  tho 
general  working  of  a  business,  or  even  of  a  department  in 
a  business,  in  the  same  manner  as  remuneration  that  is  in 
immediate  relation  to  the  results  of  the  labour  of  an  indi- 
vidual. The  analogy  between  profit-sharing  in  all  its  forms 
and  piece-work  may  easily  be  pushed  too  far,  and  their 
mistaken  identification  has  already  blocked  the  way  to  the 
adoption  of  valuable  experiments  in  industrial  reform. 

Although  the  two  systems  of  payment  are  marked  by 
many  characteristic  diS'erences,  in  practice  the  results  tend 
constantly  to  approach  each  other.  The  time-rate  is 
always  based  upon  what  an  average  man  may  be  expected 
to  perform,  and  the  piece-rate  upon  that  which  an  average 
day's  work  may  be  expected  to  secure.  It  is  largely 
because  of  this  that  the  distinction  is  more  apparent 
than  real.  There  is  a  constant  tendency  to  estimate 
remuneration  in  tho  double  terms  of  time  and  output, 
and  when  a  scale  of  piece-work  rates  is  drawn  up,  or  when 
a  time-rate  is  fixed,  the  double  method  of  calculation  has 
necessarily  to  be  ustul. 

It  is  a  mistake,  therefore,  to  regard  the  two  systems  as 
though  they  are  entirely  antithetical  and  based  on  funda- 
mentally different  estimates.  It  is  found  rather  that  every 
readjustment  of  wages  illustrates  their  similarities,  and  that 


METHODS  OF  nEMUNERATION:  TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK.  219 

the  natural  working-  of  competition  tends,  as  does  trade 
union  policy,  towards  procuring  approximate  uniformity  of 
remuneration,  whatever  the  system  adopted  may  be.  In 
practice,  both  systems  and  every  combination  of  them  are 
found. 

The  more  exactly  its  results  can  be  estimated,  the  more 
is  labour  adapted  to  piece-work.  This  fact  explains  the 
unsuitability  for  payment  by  piece  of  new  kinds  of  work, 
especially  that  done  on  original  or  elaborate  designs,  or 
such  as  requires  great  skill  or  care,  or  in  which  defects  can 
be  easily  concealed. 

That  a  time  system  should  be  commonly  adopted  for  new 
tasks  is  evidently  reasonable.  Even  the  most  capable 
employer  cannot  always  estimate  with  any  degree  of 
accuracy  the  number  of  hours  which  some  fresh  piece  of 
work  will  require,  and  either  a  very  trustworthy  man 
has  then  to  be  employed,  or  a  time-rate  of  payment  be 
combined  with  more  careful  supervision.  By  this  means 
a  basis  of  measurement  is  obtained,  and  the  same 
task,  if  repeated,  can  afterwards  be  included  in  the 
schedule  of  piece-work  prices.  Thus,  among  surgical 
instrument  makers  we  find  that  time-work  is  the  Vule  in 
shops  where  the  first  examples  of  new  designs  are  made, 
whereas  among  the  chamber  masters,  who  generally  execute 
orders  for  the  reproduction  of  known  patterns,  the  piece- 
work system  prevails.  So  also  glass-bevellers  are  divided 
into  two  classes,  those  "following  curves  and  elaborate 
shapes  in  their  bevelling'^  being  on  time-work,  while  the 
others,  engaged  on  plain  edges,  are  paid  by  the  piece. 
Analogous  differences  are  found  among  cabinet-makers 
according  to  the  character  of  the  shop;  and,  in  other  trades 
where  the  time  system  is  more  universal,  it  is  on  the 
straight-forward  work,  especially  when  executed  in  large 
quantities,  that  the  piece  system  tends  to  be  more  constantly 
revived;  among  bricklayers,  for  instance^  on  straight  runs 


220  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

of  brick-work,  among  house  carpenters  in  tlie  laying  of 
floors,  or  among  joiners  in  making  window  frames  to  some 
uniform  pattern. 

The  use  of  machinery  has  often  paved  the  way  for  the 
substitution  of  time-work  for  piece-work.  The  subordina- 
tion of  the  man  to  the  machine  is  a  favourite  theme 
witli  many  writers,  though  there  are  few  occupations  in 
which  individual  care  does  not  have  a  considerable  effect 
on  the  output,  no  matter  how  perfect  the  mechanism  may 
be.  But  the  demands  of  the  machine  differ,  and  when 
tbe  function  of  the  man  is  cither  to  watch  self-acting 
mechanical  processes,  or  to  superintend  the  feeding  of  a 
machine  that  itself  determines  the  pace  of  the  human 
movement,  there  is  a  tendency  for  piece-work  to  be 
eliminated  as  being  either  impossible  or  unsuitable  to  the 
new  conditions.  Instances  are  seen  in  the  trade  of  paper- 
stainers,  among  whom,  while  the  hand-workers  are  usually 
paid  by  the  piece,  the  machine-workers  are  invariably  on 
a  time  rate;  or  in  that  of  cork-workers,  where  the  intro- 
duction of  machinery  has  been  usually  followed  by  time 
payment. 

Tiiis  is  not,  it  is  true,  a  universal  movement,  and  in  some 
trades  the  possibility  of  intensifying  the  labour  of  the 
operative  through  the  medium  of  the  machine  has  led  to  the 
rigid  insistence  by  organized  workmen  upon  the  maintenance 
of  piece-work  rates.  Professor  Marshall's  statement  that 
"  When  appliances  are  used  equality  of  remuneration 
will  require  equality  of  appliance,'^  reminds  us  that  great 
unfairness  might  result  under  apparent  similarity  of 
conditions.  It  is  in  the  difficulty  of  regulating  the  intro- 
duction of  changes  in  machinery  that  make  labour  more 
arduous,  that  the  main  explanation  is  found  of  the 
maintenance,  in  spite  of  its  great  complexity,  of  the 
elaborate  piece-work  schedules  of  the  cotton  trade. 
AVhen  raacliinery  can  be  thus  altered,  it  is  obvious  that 
a  more   satisfactory    relation    between   output    and    effort 


METHODS  OF  REMUNERATION :  TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK.  221 

and  wages  can  be  maintained  by  piece  rates  than  by  time 
rates,  since  the  latter  could  not  readily  be  adjusted  to  the 
increasing  intensity  of  the  labour. 

In  considering  the  arguments  for  and  against  piece-work 
and  for  and  against  time-work,  the  point  of  view  here  adopted 
will  be  that  of  the  general  observer  rather  than  that  of 
employer  or  employed.  Opinion  on  this  subject  docs 
not  strictly  follow  class  divisions.  ]\Iany  wage-earners 
prefer  piece-work,  and  most  do  so  where  it  is  really 
suitable,  while  employers  prefer  time-work  for  many 
purposes.  The  advantages  and  defects  of  both  systems 
are  often  recognized  no  less  clearly  on  the  one  side  than  on 
the  other. 

Effort  is  likely  to  be  more  persistent,  and  earnings  are 
usually  higher,  under  a  piece-work  than  under  a  time-work 
system,  but  this  does  not  in  itself  prove  the  superiority  of 
the  former  method,  either  for  the  employer  or  the  employed, 
for  many  considerations  are  involved  besides  the  amount  of 
work  done  or  the  money  earned  in  a  given  time.  As  the 
danger  of  "  shirking,^'  for  instance,  is  lessened,  that  of 
"  scamping "  might  increase,  or  health  might  fail  if  the 
pressure  were  too  severe.  Thus  it  is  that  very  varying 
opinions  are  expressed  both  by  masters  and  men  on  the 
merits  of  the  rival  systems. 

In  favour  of  piece-work  it  is  said  that  it  requires  less 
supervision  ;  that  by  its  adoption  management  is  made  easiei', 
simpler,  and  less  costly.  The  operative  knows  that  he  will 
be  paid  strictly  according  to  performance,  and  that  if  he 
works  either  for  short  days  or  with  little  energy  he  will 
suffer  accordingly.  It  is  argued,  therefore,  that  superin- 
tendence not  only  becomes  more  economical,  but  also  less 
detective  in  its  character. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  said  that  in  many  occupations 
this  argument  is  entirely  fallacious,  since  the  very  fact 
that  the  more  work  done  the  higher  the  earnings  will  be, 


222  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

is  a  direct  temptation  to  the  concealment  of  inferior  work. 
^len  will  be  induced  to  send  in  hurried  work,  perfecting-  it 
only  up  to  the  point  that  will  pass  muster ;  and  interest 
and  pride  in  their  craft  will  inevitably  be  lost  in  the 
thought  of  the  weekly  Avages-sheet.  It  is  further  urged 
that,  in  certain  trades,  management,  though  simplifiedj  will 
at  the  same  time  be  deteriorated,  the  piece-work  system 
giving  a  chance  to  the  master  who,  though  he  may  have 
business  capacity,  yet  is  without  that  practical  knowledge 
of  the  trade  which  is  requisite  for  an  appreciative  and 
intelligent  employer.  Masters  who  have  not  the  technical 
knoAvledgo  that  would  enable  them  to  estimate  the  time 
that  work  should  occupy  are,  it  is  said,  apt  to  fall  back  upon 
the  more  automatic  test  of  piece-Avork.  Superintendence 
thus  becomes  less  sympathetic,  and  the  craft  itself  is  likely 
to  be  degraded. 

Again,  it  is  urged  that  only  under  a  system  of  piece- 
work can  the  best  energies  of  a  inan  be  called  forth ; 
that  this  method  of  payment  is  even  necessary,  as  one 
employer  has  expressed  it,  in  order  to  "  tap  the  reserve  of 
force  in  a  man,"  and  most  men  would  agree  that  more  work 
is  "  naturally "  done  and  more  money  made  in  an  hour  on 
piece  than  on  time-work. 

In  reply,  it  is  said  that  the  temptation  to  excessive  effort 
is  apt  to  be  too  great,  and  that  a  system  which  aims  at 
continually  calling  forth  the  last  possibilities  of  effort  of 
which  a  man  is  capable,  is  not  only  damaging  to  his  health, 
but  in  the  end  economically  disastrous;  and  piece-work  is 
condemned  by  those  Avho  hold  this  vieAV,  although  it  may 
be  freely  accepted,  and  even  preferred  by  both  masters  and 
men.  The  objection  to  it  is  analogous  to  that  which  many 
have  to  systematic  overtime  :  a  too  intense  application  is 
felt  to  be  as  harmful  as  one  that  is  too  prolonged. 

It  is  urged,  on  the  other  hand,  that  if  men  can  and  will 
work  with  such  vigour  and  persistency,  who  shall  forbid 
them  ?     This  freedom  alone,   it  is  said,  can  secure  a  due 


METHODS  OF  REMUNERATION :  TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK.  223 

reward  to  the  man  of  more  than  average  strength  or  powers 
of  application,  or,  it  may  be,  of  more  than  average  skill. 

But  the  argument  is  again  answered :  Such  freedom, 
if  freedom  it  really  be,  is  a  prostitution  of  this  noble 
attribute  of  life.  It  is  not  a  genuine  impulse  that  inspires 
men,  but  the  "  greed  of  gain. ^'  Or  if  justice  be  appealed  to, 
this  justice,  it  is  said,  turns  out  to  be  a  form  of  selfishness,  for 
if  men  took  thought  for  their  fellows,  they  Avould  not  be  eager 
for  more  work  than  "  fairness  "  would  allow  them  to  claim. 
This  argument  may  not  be  very  strong  economically,  l)ut 
it  is  further  pointed  out  that  equality  of  remuneration 
does  not  necessarily  follow  when  payment  is  made  by 
time.  Advantages  in  all  work,  such  as  securing  the  most 
desirable  tasks,  can  and  will  be  obtained  by  the  more 
competent  men ;  besides  which  a  time-rate,  since  it  fixes 
a  minimum  and  not  a  maximum,  and  since  in  most  trades 
there  are  branches  for  which  special  rates  are  paid, 
frequently  leaves  a  considerable  scope  for  variation  in  the 
actual  wages  earned.  Further,  it  is  pointed  out  that  the 
most  competent  and  trustworthy  man,  even  if  only  able  to 
earn  the  same  rates  as  those  who  are  less  competent  and 
less  trustworthy,  yet  secures  his  advantage  from  greater 
regularity  of  employment. 

These  arguments,  for  and  against,  leave  the  question 
very  much  a  matter  of  application.  Each  system  is  good 
in  its  place.  The  dangers,  on  this  side  or  that,  have  to  be 
met  by  suitable  modifications. 

Some  other  questions  of  a  more  general  character  must 
be  considered. 

As  regards  the  effect  of  piece-work  on  regularity  of 
employment  there  are  conflicting  opinions.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  is  held  that  the  piece-worker  has  a  better  chance 
than  tile  time-worker  of  securing  employment  through  the 
year,  and  there  are  many  figures  that  bear  out  this  con- 
tention.     Earnings    may   show  a  greater  fluctuation,  but 


•224  SURVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

as  a  riilo  it  is  easier  to  get  sometliiug  to  do  during  slack 
times  ia  a  piece-work  trade  than  in  one  in  wliich  time- 
work  prevails.  Our  returns  of  the  iron  and  steel  trades 
illustrate  this  poiut,  for  while  the  time-workers  dropped 
39  per  cent,  in  number  in  the  slack  week,  the  piece- 
workers even  showed  a  slifjlit  increase,  indicatino;  some 
degree  of  interchangeability  between  the  two  classes,  but 
still  ilhistrating  the  tendency  of  piece-work  to  secure  a 
more  general  division  of  the  work  during  slackness. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  stated  that  in  all  tirades  in  which 
the  piece  system  is  the  rule,  there  is  a  direct  temptation  to 
men  to  be  irregular  in  their  habits,  "  to  come  when  they  like 
and  go  when  they  like,''  and  it  is  iirged  that  the  dangerous 
facilities  thus  offered  for  working  irregular  hours  within 
the  week  more  than  counterbalance  any  advantage  there 
may  be  in  securing  some  modicum  of  employment  in  dull 
times.  It  is  admitted  that  this  voluntary  irregularity  can 
be,  and  often  is,  counteracted  to  some  extent  by  the 
efficient  control  of  the  employer,  for  it  is  erroneous  to 
suppose  that  because  men  are  working  by  the  piece  their 
employer  is  therefore  indifferent  to  their  habits  as  regards 
hours  of  labour.  If  they  are  using  plant,  or  even  only 
room,  their  absence  means  the  direct  waste  of  capital 
invested,  and  if  they  are  out-workers,  using  neither  the 
plant  nor  the  premises  of  their  employer,  the  irregularity 
will  still  give  trouble  and  cause  uncertainty.  It  is  the 
constant  aim,  therefore,  of  the  employer  of  piece-workers 
to  secure  as  great  a  regularity  as  is  practicable. 

Another  question  involved  is  the  effect  of  piece-work  on 
the  chances  of  employment  of  those  below  and  beyond  the 
age  of  maximum  strength  and  efficiency.  It  is  urged  that 
employers,  when  engaging  men  by  time,  will  be  more 
strict  in  the  test  of  efficiency  they  impose.  Especially 
will  this  be  so  in  all  trades  in  which  high  rates  prevail, 
since  employers  cannot  then  afford  to  employ  any  men  who 
are  not  fully  competent,  and,  if  such  have  been  engaged. 


BIETHODS  OF  REMUNERATION:  TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK.  22o 

the  first  spell  of  slackness  will  be  used  as  an  occasion  for 
their  prompt  dismissal.  Under  those  circumstances,  it  is 
the  youngest  and  the  oldest  who  are  apt  to  sufler.  It  is 
claimed  also,  that  individuals  with  very  different  abilities 
can  more  readily  adapt  themselves  to  the  conditions  of 
piece-work.  But  then  again  it  is  held  that  piece-woi'k, 
facilitating,  as  it  does,  the  sub-division  of  labour,  and  the 
despecialization  of  skill,  often  provides  even  too  great  a 
facility  for  the  employment  of  the  young ;  and  as  regards 
the  older  man  it  is  said  that  the  physical  effects  of  piece- 
work tend  to  be  so  injurious  that  the  chances  of  his 
securing  employment  late  in  life  are  in  practice  diminished 
by  his  earlier  physical  decline. 

Finally,  an  argument  must  be  noted  concerning  the 
effects  of  the  system  of  payment  adopted  on  the  uniformity 
and  fixity  of  the  rate  of  remuneration.  As  a  general  rule 
the  method  most  compatible  with  these  objects  will  bo 
preferred  by  the  wage-earner.  This  preference  may  be 
illustrated  by  the  case  of  the  more  highly  skilled  cabinet- 
makers, whose  constant  endeavour  in  the  best  workshops 
of  their  trade  is  to  maintain  a  time-rate  of  wages.  Their 
contention  is  that  any  schedule  of  piece-work  prices  under 
modern  conditions,  because  of  its  unworkable  complexity, 
leads  constantly  to  uncertainty  and  friction,  and  that 
payment  by  time  leaves  less  scope  for  either  the  secret  or 
the  open  "  pitting  "  of  one  worker  against  another. 

This  danger  may  be  to  some  extent  counteracted  in 
individual  workshops  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  "  shop 
committee,"  but,  in  trades  in  which  there  is  no  effective 
organization  to  maintain  and  revise  the  schedule  of  piece- 
work prices  as  required,  it  is  felt  that  the  "  cutting  down  " 
of  wages  is  more  difficult  to  restrain  than  under  a  time- 
rate  method  of  payment.  The  bargain  as  to  the  price  at 
which  work  shall  be  executed  is,  in  the  same  way,  more 
liable  to  abuse  by  the  employer,  and  more  likely  to  place 
the  operative  at  a  disadvantage  than  an  agreement  for  a 
V  15 


226  SUr.VEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

certain  rate  of  pay  per  hour  or  per  day,  because  on  tlic  latter 
plan  there  arc  fewer  and  less  recurring  elements  of  possible 
variation.  Against  this,  however,  we  must  set  the  wide- 
spread opinion  among  employers  in  some  trades  that  the  time 
system  is  more  liable  to  abuse  on  the  part  of  the  workmen. 

We  thus  search  in  vain  for  a  final  and  conclusive  judg- 
ment that  in  all  cases,  either  on  social  or  on  economic 
grounds,  this  or  that  practice  is  the  best. 

No  general  rule  can  be  hvid  down,  for  the  appropriateness 
of  the  method  of  payment  will  always  be  mainly  determined 
by  the  special  circumstances  and  traditions  of  the  different 
trades.  There  is  no  uniformity  either  of  practice  or  of 
policy.  While  the  plasterer,  the  engineer,  and  the  mason, 
make  the  abolition  of  piece-work  a  firm  plank  in  their 
trade-union  platform,  the  tank-maker  and  the  basket-maker 
uphold  it,  because  with  them  it  leads  to  the  greatest 
independence  and  most  agreeable  conditions ;  in  the  glass 
industry  the  maintenance  of  a  piece-work  scale  is  the  main 
reason  for  the  existence  of  the  trade  union  :  while  amono- 
brass  and  bronze  finishers,  although  there  is  no  uniform 
scale,  and  although  much  waste  of  time  and  much  annoy- 
ance are  caused  in  fixing  new  prices,  the  piece-work  system 
is  still  preferred. 

It  should  be  noted  here,  perhaps,  that  in  some  trades 
in  which  corporate  opinion  seems  well  defined,  and  in 
which  piece-work  is  discountenanced,  it  is  still  sometimes 
adopted  and  concealed,  and  that  the  temptation  to  this 
practice  must  increase  when  the  time-rate  is  low  and  the 
working  day  short. 

Such  evasions,  perhaps  no  less  than  the  diversity  of  the 
method  of  payment  adopted,  show  the  difficulty  of  securing 
uniformity.  But  light  is  afforded  as  to  what  is  desirable 
by  the  attempt  to  combine  the  two  methods  in  trades  to 
which  both  are  applicable.  When  this  is  done,  though  the 
remuneration  may  be  based  on  a  time-rate,  some  greater 


METHODS  OF  REMUNERATION :  TIME  AND  PIECE-WORK.  227 

elasticity  of  earnings  would  ho  inade  probable,  by  the 
recof^uition  of  piece-work  possibilities  up  to  tbe  level 
which  is  accepted,  by  employers  and  employed  alike,  as 
compatible  Avith  the  maintenance  of  personal  efficiency  and 
of  good  work.  In  not  a  few  trades  such  a  compromise  as 
this  has  led  to  a  successful  avoidance  both  of  excessive 
slackness  and  of  excessive  effort. 

It  may  perhaps  be  thought  that  this  question  of  the  method 
of  payment  has  been  considered  on  a  too  general  assumption 
that  purely  personal  considerations  will  necessarily  guide 
conduct  if  the  opportunity  be  given.  Ordinary  employers, 
however,  and  ordinary  working  men,  are  neither  idealists 
nor  knaves, 

"  .  .  neither  children  nor  gods,  but  men  in  a  world  of  men," 

and  the  discussion  must  be  conducted  on  the  frank  assump- 
tion that  the  best  relationship  will  be  that  which  will  be 
most  effective  industrially,  as  tending  to  secure  the  greatest 
possible  permanent  advantage  for  all  concerned.  In  the 
search  for  conditions  that  would  tend  to  combine  individual 
well-being  with  industrial  efficiency  human  nature  has  to 
be  rather  rudely  analyzed.  We  are  for  ever  perplexed, 
moreover,  by  the  multiplicity  of  motives  that  actuate  the 
individual,  and  by  the  ways  in  which  higher  and  lower 
aims  are  intermingled  according  to  the  strength  and  the 
weakness  of  personal  character. 


15  * 


CHAPTER   IX. 

lEREGULAEITY   OF  EAENIXGS. 


A  COMPLETE  explanation  of  the  standard  of  material  well- 
being  maintained  by  any  individual  family  would  involve  a 
consideration  of  many  fundamental  points.  Sucli  questions, 
for  instance,  as  the  influence  of  the  family  tradition ;  the 
character  and  habits  of  the  particular  household  ;  and  the 
capacity  of  the  wife,  would  be  of  the  first  importance.  But 
even  when  we  put  such  points  on  one  side,  and  assume 
roughly  that  the  man  who  is  able  to  earn  40.s  in  a  woi'king 
week  is  "  better  off  "  than  one  who  can  earn  only  28s,  we 
are  at  once  met  by  the  problem  of  irregular  employment, 
for  it  is  fairly  certain  that  the  standard  of  comfort  is  fixed 
rather  by  the  regularity  than  by  the  rate  of  pay. 

A  workman  who  earned  25s  a  week  throughout  the  year 
would  almost  certainly  live  in  far  greater  comfort  than  one 
who  earned  50s  in  twenty-six  weeks  taken  here  and  there 
throughout  the  twelve  months,  even  though  both  were 
steady  men,  and  though  the  latter  might  reasonably  reckon 
on  obtaining  twenty-six  weeks  of  employment  out  of  the 
fifty-two  at  the  higher  rate. 

The  preceding  volumes  have  contained  constant  refer- 
ences to  the  influences  that  make  for  irregularity,  and  an 
endeavour  must  now  be  made  to  classify  and  analyze  them. 

The  question  of  irregular  earnings  derives  its  chief 
importance  from  its  practical  bearing  on  the  position  of 
wage-earners  ;  in  many  aspects,  therefore,  it  may  be  best 
considered  with  special  reference  to  this  class.  But  the 
subject  has  a  wider  aspect,  for  many  of  the  causes  of 
irregular  employment  are  quite  general  in  their  effects. 


inUEGULARITY  OF  EARyiNGS.  229 

influencing  the  position,  not  of  wage-earners  alone,  but  of 
everyone  concerned  with  the  trades  aifected. 

The  special  problem  of  irregular  employment  largely 
resolves  itself,  in  short,  into  the  more  general  one  of  a 
fluctuating  and  uncertain  demand  for  commodities  and 
services.  The  cause  that  brings  difficulty  and  distress 
to  the  workman  may  involve  the  employer  himself  in 
bankruptcy  and  loss  of  his  position,  though  the  effects  of 
irregular  demand  on  the  individual  wage-earner  are  quicker, 
and  perhaps  more  obvious.  The  employer  has  more  staying- 
power,  and  his  transitions  to  the  ranks  of  the  workless 
are  neither  so  sudden  nor  so  frequent  as  those  of  the 
wage-earner ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  workman  is 
strengthened  by  greater  freedom  of  movement  and  less 
responsibility.  In  spite,  however,  of  differences  in  economic 
status,  many  of  the  disturbing  causes  tend  to  aff"ect  both 
classes  alike,  though  often  in  different  degrees  and  under 
different  guises. 

We  must,  therefore,  recognize  how  largely  unity  of 
interest  and  subjection  to  the  same  influences  prevail 
among  all  classes  that  are  industrially  associated ;  and 
how  incomplete  is  the  view  that  results  from  a  too  exclusive 
consideration  of  the  position  of  the  wage-earner  in  relation 
to  this  question.  We  find  further  evidence  of  this  in  the 
fact  that  industrial  London  is  to  a  large  extent  composed 
of  those  who  have  returned  themselves  as  "  neither 
employer  nor  employed."  The  real  position  of  many  of 
these  is  doubtless  not  dissimilar  to  that  of  those  who  have 
returned  themselves  as  "employed."  But  they  often 
rely  for  their  employment,  such  as  it  is,  on  chance 
members  of  the  community  with  whom  not  even  the 
semblance  of  a  persistent  relationship  is  maintained.  The 
essence  of  their  industrial  position  lies  rather  in  their  direct 
dependence  upon  a  problematical  demand  for  the  com- 
modities or  services  they  offer,  a  demand  which  comes 
partly  from  that  portion  of    the    community    with    which 


230  SUrxVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

they  have  succeeded  in  establishing^  some  kind  of  "  connec- 
tion/'  and  partly  from  a  wider  and  more  uncertain  range. 
Among  booksellers,  grocers,  coal  and  corn  dealers  and 
general  shopkeepers  the  proportion  returned  as  "  neither 
employer  nor  employed"  varies  from  15^  to  45i  per  cent. 
of  the  total  numbers,  and  rises  among  costers  to  70^ 
]ier  cent.  Even  in  the  case  of  plasterers  and  paper- 
hangers,  musical  instrument  and  toy-makers,  and  saddlers, 
there  are  9  per  cent,  in  the  neutral  class ;  among  lock- 
smiths and  gas-fitters,  and  cabinet-makers,  there  are 
10  per  cent.;  while  makers  of  trimmings,  &c.,  show  11^ 
per  cent.;  boot-makers,  13.^  per  cent,  (equal  to  nearly 
25  per  cent,  of  employed  males  over  twenty)  ;  shirt- 
makers,  19^  per  cent. ;  and  watch  and  clock-makers,  22^- 
per  cent.,  or  in  this  case  nearly  45  per  cent,  of  the  total 
of  employed  males  o"\*er  twenty  years  of  age. 

In  the  organized  and  unorganized  sections  enumerated  on 
pp.  144-145,  we  find  that  about  G0,000  males  (including 
GG92  costers)  have  returned  themselves  as  neither  employ- 
ing nor  employed ;  while  among  milliners,  dress-makers 
and  shirt-makers  nearly  22,000  women  are  included  in 
the  same  category.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  a  not 
inconsiderable  proportion  of  London  workers  are  not 
''employed"  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word,  and  that  the 
problem  of  irregular  earnings  is  for  such  persons  indepen- 
dent of  a  connection  with  an  individual  employer. 

The  figures  serve  also  to  suggest  the  dependence  of 
all  upon  influences  that  are  wider  tlian  those  determined 
by  a  personal  connection.  The  close  relationship  of 
employer  and  employed,  though  often  prominent  as  a 
proximate  cause  of  intermittent  employment,  probably 
ranks  among  the  minor  influences.  The  employer  is  often 
rather  the  lever  by  which  the  individual  is  put  in  or  out  of 
gear  with  the  industrial  machinery  of  life,  in  which  at 
times  he  can,  perJiaps,  fill  no  part,  than  the  real  cause  of 
displacement.      Even  as  regards  wage-earners,  therefore. 


inUEGULAniTY  OF  EinNINGS.  231 

we  shall  constantly  have  to  pass  beyond  the  consideration 
of  causes  affected  by  the  customary  class-relationship,  to 
others  more  fundamental  and  far-reaching. 

Industry  strains  blindly  for  an  equilibrium  that  is  never 
maintained.  In  the  whole  range  of  London  trades  there 
is  hardly  an  instance  in  which  demand  is  uniform,  supply 
certain,  and  personal  efficiency  equal.  Changing  relations 
of  supply  to  demand,  inequality  of  powers,  variety  in  the 
strength  of  the  actuating  motives,  are  seen  on  every  hand ; 
and  anything  like  general  security  of  industrial  tenure  is 
entirely  absent.  One  of  the  most  stupendous  facts  of 
life  is  the  uncertainty  of  the  position  of  the  vast  majority 
of  those,  no  matter  Avhat  their  status  may  be,  who  are 
dependent  upon  industry  for  their  livelihood.  For  a  short 
period  the  future  may  be  clear  to  the  majority  perhaps 
in  every  occupation,  but  for  a  more  distant  time  they  trust, 
like  Mr.  JMicawber,  that  something  will  turn  up.  Men 
work  on,  reposing  a  half-recognized  faith,  based  on  a  half- 
interpreted  experience,  in  the  potential  demand  that  is 
around  them.  Happily,  as  a  rule,  their  faith  is  justified; 
for  there  is  a  general  persistency  o£  opportunity,  although 
particular  trades  disappear,  and  the  occupation  of  whole 
classes  of  workers  may  be  swept  away. 

For  the  individual,  however,  and  especially  for  the  wage- 
earner,  the  fact  remains  that  there  is  rarely  certainty  or 
safety.  He  lives  shadowed  by  the  consciousness  of  an 
uncertain  tenure,  and  there  are  few  whose  hearts  would 
not  be  comforted  if  the  faith  upon  which  their  industrial 
life  rests  could  be  based  on  a  fuller  knowledge.  To  this 
uncertainty  is  due  much  to  the  stimulus  and  excitement  of 
industrial  life,  but  much  also  of  its  disheartening  j^ressure. 

To  quote  from  our  evidence  of  an  operative  brushmaker, 
"  The  great  curse  of  a  journeyman's  life  is  irregularity  of 
employment.  When  I  thought  it  likely  that  I  should  be 
thrown  out  of  employment  it  seemed  to  paralyze  me 
completely,  and  I  used  to  sit  at  home  brooding  over  it 


232  SrnVFA'  AND    COXCLUSIONS. 

until  the  blow  fell.  .  .  .  The  fear  of  being  turned  off  is  tlie 
■worst  thing  in  a  "working-man's  life,  and  more  or  less 
acutely  it  is  almost  always,  in  the  case  of  the  vast  majority, 
pi'esent  to  his  mind/' 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  term  irregular  employment,  if 
strictly  used  in  relation  to  the  normal  working  day,  does  not 
exclude  continuous  employment  accompanied  by  temporary 
or  prolonged  periods  of  pressure  or  overtime.  Irregularity 
in  this  sense  includes  all  variations  from  the  normal  day, 
bo  the  variation  a  plus  or  minus  quantity ;  whether  leading, 
that  is,  to  industrial  slavery  or  to  the  formation  of  an 
unemployed  class.  How  far  regular  employment  is  econo- 
mically desirable,  is,  therefore,  a  question  of  degree,  and 
different  men  Avill  have  different  ideas  on  this  point. 
Outside  judgment  too  will  vary  to  some  extent  with  the 
character  of  employments.  Tbo  standard  as  to  what  is 
considered  socially  and  even  in  some  cases  economically 
desirable  in  the  extent,  intensity,  or  continuity  of  labour, 
changes,  and  the  tide  has  in  recent  years  set  strongly 
in  favour  of  a  more  leisured,  although  not  less  efficient, 
industrial  life,  with  a  shorter  working  day  and  longer 
holidays.  Ilegularity  must  not,  therefore,  be  regarded  as 
an  end  in  itself  :  work,  however  regular,  if  unduly  pro- 
longed may  be  more  deleterious  than  that  which  is  too 
intermittent,  and  beneficial  regularity  may  be  defined  as 
that  which  combines  social  well-being  with  economic 
efficiency. 

We  must  also  distinguish  between  various  kinds  of 
periodical  irregularity.  There  is,  for  instance,  the  weekly 
irregularity  of  some  trades  in  which  not  only  do  wage- 
earners  habitually  keep  "  Saint  Monday,"  but  in  which  the 
length  of  the  working  day  increases  systematically  and 
harmfully  from  Tuesday  to  Friday ;  then  again  there  aro 
the  yearly  fluctuations  in  seasonal  trades;  while  cyclical 
variations  spread  over  long  periods  are  characteristic  of 
many    occupations,  seasonal  and  otherwise.     The  disturb- 


innEGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  233 

ing  influences  at  work  are  mainly  connected  with  one 
or  another  of  these  three  phases  of  recurrent  irregularity — 
the  short,  the  seasonal,  and  that  which  comes  in  cycles.* 

In  considering  the  influences  which  determine  the  tenure 
of  individual  employment  and  the  continuity  in  the  demand 
for  labour  in  a  particular  trade,  we  are  mot  by  the  fact 
that,  while  men  are  frequently  unable  to  secure  regular 
work,  they  often  do  not  desire  it.  We  are  thus  carried 
at  once  to  the  distinction  between  Personal  and  Economic 
causes  of  irregular  employment. 

In  actual  life  a  constant  intermixture  of  these  two  main 
groups  of  causes  is  found  at  work.  One  set  of  influences 
alone  rarely  determines  the  amount  of  employment  that  a 
man  is  able  to  secure.  Moreover  the  comparative  strength 
with  which  the  two  sets  of  causes  bear  upon  the  individual- 
varies  at  different  times.  Incompetency  and  unreliability, 
for  instance,  become  less  effective  as  disqualifications  for 
service  with  increasing  intensity  of  demand. 

Many  personal  causes  of  economic  weakness  induce,  not 
irregulai'ity  of  employment,  but  rather  a  permanent  dis- 
qualification for  this  or  that  particular  occupation.  Thus, 
muscular  weakness  is  incompatible  with  navvies'  work, 
defective  eyesight  with  that  of  the  engine-driver,  and 
clumsiness  with  that  of  the  scientific  instrument  maker. 
In  declining  health  or  advancing  years,  however,  such 
physical  causes  may  increase  the  insecurity  of  tenure  at 
different  periods  of  the  individual  life,  and,  when  once  an 
old  place  has  been  lost,  become  a  powerful  cause  of 
subsequent  irregularity. 


*  Seasonal  and  cyclical  variations,  as  measured  by  actual  unemployment, 
are  well  illustrated  by  the  tables  and  charts  compiled  from  the  trade  union 
and  employers'  returns  to  the  Board  of  Trade.  Vide  Annual  Eeports  of  the 
Labour  Department ;  and  in  the  evidence  given  by  Mr.  H.  Ijlewellyn  Smith 
(Commissioner  of  Labour)  before  the  Parliamentary  Committee  on  Distress 
from  Want  of  Employment  (Third  Report,  1895). 


234  SUIiVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

Intellectual  qualifications  in  the  same  way  have  a 
permanent  and  persistent  etiect  upon  occupation  followed, 
routrhlv  detcrmininf^  the  status  of  the  individual.  The 
illiterate  man,  no  matter  how  steady  he  may  he,  does  not 
become  a  mechanical  engineer,  nor,  under  normal  con- 
ditions, does  the  clever  artisan  sweep  our  roads.  But 
the  intelligence  of  members  of  the  same  trade  varies, 
and  this  variation  constitutes,  when  demand  is  weak,  a 
fairly  well  defined  cause  of  irregularity,  affecting  in  the 
first  place  those  whose  intelligence,  although  perhaps  equal 
to  the  rough  general  standard  ordinarily  demanded  in  the 
trade,  is  below  the  average.  Here  also  we  notice  a  constant 
intermixture  in  their  effects  of  the  personal  and  impersonal 
causes. 

In  moral  qualities  we  find  a  cause  of  irregular  employ- 
ment both  more  variables  and  more  independent  in  its 
action.  Physique  and  intelligence  determine  roughly  the 
industrial  position  of  the  individual  and  leave  him  there. 
But  it  is  more  frequently  otherwise  as  regards  moral 
standard.  In  this  there  lies  a  greater  likelihood  of 
changes  during  the  normal  working  years  of  a  man's  life, 
whether  of  deterioration  or  improvement.  In  this  is 
probably  found  the  justification  of  the  very  general  opinion 
that  moral  weakness  in  one  form  or  another  is  the  prolific, 
if  not  the  main,  source  of  irregularity  of  employment.  And 
undoubtedly  intemperance,  dishonesty,  laziness,  negligence, 
carelessness,  unpunctuality,  disobedience  or  a  quarrelsome 
habit — all  the  qualities  in  fact  that  combine  to  make  up 
either  an  untrustworthy  man,  a  mauvais  siijet,  or  a  nuisance 
— are  constant  sources  of  economic  weakuess. 

The  causes  that  have  been  so  far  mentioned  have  been 
regarded  as  acting  independently  of  the  dii-ect  initiative  of 
the  individual.  Kesponsibility  may  rest  with  him,  but  the 
actual  displacement,  it  has  been  assumed,  takes  place  through 
the  employer,  the  workman  receiving,  not  giving,  notice. 


inPiEGULAniTY  OF  ICARNINGS.  235 

But  much  irregular  employment  is  due  to  the  direct 
initiative  of  the  wage-earner  himself.  The  cases  in  wliich 
customary  habits  lead  to  regular  irregularity  week  by  week 
have  been  already  noticed,  and  there  are  other  instances 
in  which  discontinuity  of  work  within  short  recurring 
pei'iods  is  largely  due  to  the  influence  of  the  occupation 
itself,  as  may  be  illustrated  by  contrasting  the  work  of  the 
coal-porter  with  that  of  the  joiner. 

The  power  to  earn  high  wages,  whether  attained  by 
effective  organization,  or  by  the  possession  of  exceptional 
skill  or  strength,  not  infrequently  becomes  a  direct  cause  of 
irregular  work.  Thus  of  the  portmanteau  and  leather  case 
makers  an  employer  enunciates  the  hard  saying  that  "  the 
best  workmen  are  all  drunkards "  ;  among  the  small  but 
highly  organized  body  of  saddle  tree-makers  it  is  "  not  a 
very  uncommon  thing  for  men  to  remain  'on  the  booze'  for 
weeks  together."  The  metallic  cask-makers  used  to  earn 
such  good  wages  that  they  were  often  unwilling  to  come  in 
during  the  first  part  of  the  week,  and  the  increasing  use 
of  machinery  in  their  trade  has  been  traced  to  this  practice; 
among  the  bamboo  and  cane-makers  an  employer  reports 
that  "  Englishmen  work  the  best  and  earn  the  most, 
but  drink  the  most.  Foreigners  when  '  green '  are  sober." 
Electrical  workers,  we  hear,  "  though  earning  good  wages, 
do  not  save;  their  woi'k  is  irregular  and  so  are  their 
habits " ;  among  silversmiths  many  of  the  best  piece- 
workers, still  earning  40s  per  week  or  more,  "  make  their 
Sunday  last  three  days'';  and 'of  the  pianoforte  makers 
some  of  the  quickest  and  smartest  workmen  are  found 
in  shops  where  work  is  most  irregular  and  where  there 
is  most  drinking.  "  These  men,"  it  is  said,  "  do  not  want 
work  every  week  in  the  year ;  hard  work  and  large  earnings 
succeeded  by  idleness  and  hard  drinking  make  exactly  the 
life  that  suits  them."  So,  too,  "  coalies "  will  earn  as 
much  as  20s  or  more  by  a  single  prolonged  spell  of  work, 
and  spend  it  all  before  beginning  again. 


•23G  SrnVF.Y  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

These  instances  are  drawn  from  particular  trades,  but 
examples  of  the  same  characteristics,  with  more  or  less 
admixture  of  the  laxity  of  the  easy-going  or  the  selfishness 
of  the  positively  vicious,  are  to  be  found  scattered  over 
almost  every  field  of  employment.  In  addition,  Avith 
irregularity  based  on  their  own  weak  wills  or  ingrained 
habits,  we  have  the  lower  class  of  the  casual  labourer  and 
street  loafer — those  shiftless  denizens  of  every  great  city — 
making  up  a  large  body  of  individuals  to  whom  irregularity 
is  freedom  and  who  find  some  compensation  for  the  pre- 
ciriousness  of  their  existence  in  the  spurious  independence 
their  mode  of  life  secures. 

Among  some  female  workers  similar  traits  of  irregularity 
are  to  be  noticed.  Thus,  among  the  fancy-box  makers  one 
employer,  remarking  on  differences  of  character  amongst  the 
girls  in  his  service,  and  the  prevalence  of  the  habit  among 
some  of  them  of  going  out  "for  a  spree"  of  two  or  three  days 
and  then  coming  back  to  "work  like  niggers,"  mentions 
especially  that  some  of  his  best  workers  do  this ;  and 
Miss  Collet  draws  attention  to  the  same  fact  in  the  chapter 
on  Women's  Work  in  Vol.  IV.  of  our  first  series.  After 
referring  to  the  voluntary  absence  of  some  60  per  cent,  of 
the  girls  of  the  Victoria  Match  Factory  for  periods  of  from 
half  a  day  to  two  days  per  week,  Miss  Collet  continues : 
"  this  irregularity  of  attendance  is  found  in  all  factories 
among  what  might  be  called  the  8s  to  10^  girls.  These 
wages  give  these  girls  as  much  as  they  care  to  work  for, 
and  after  that  they  like  holidays  best."  * 

Change  from  one  employer  to  another  is  not,  however, 
necessarily  a  sign  of  economic  weakness.  It  is  often 
deliberately  incurred  from  entirely  reasonable  motives.  In 
many  trades  in  which  discontinuity  is  normal,  the  moment 
of  enforced  movement  is  sometimes  forestalled,  those  • 
who  foresee  the  impending  cessation  of  employment,  shifting 
•  Vol.  IV.,  p.  323  (First  Series). 


innEGULAniTY  of  E.mXIXGS.  237 

voluntarily^  thereby  increasing,  instead  of  dirainisliing',  the 
degree  of  regularity  of  employment  they  caa  secure. 

Occasionally  men  change  their  place  of  work  from  a 
personal  preference  for  some  particular  foreman,  employer 
or  shop  mates,  even  in  the  absence  of  any  direct  material 
advantage,  as  in  wages.  At  other  times  there  is  a  bolder 
change,  and,  especially  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  working 
life,  the  recognition  of  the  value  of  a  wider  experience 
becomes  a  powerful  motive  to  discontinuit3^  The  restless- 
ness that  leads  men  to  move  doubtless  shades  down  by 
imperceptible  degrees,  from  the  execution  of  the  well- 
considered  plan  by  which  trade  knowledge  may  be 
perfected,  to  pure  shiftlessness.*  It  must  bo  recognized, 
therefore,  that  moving  from  employer  to  employer,  or 
from  place  to  place,  does  not  always  indicate  weakness  or 
insecurity  of  position.  It  may  be,  rather,  a  sign  of  economic 
strength  ;  of  a  more  than  average  intelligence  and  independ- 
ence, tending  to  make  the  industrial  footing  surer  and  so 
to  increase  the  chances  of  regular  employment  in  later  years. 

The  intermixture  of  personal  and  economic  considera- 
tions are  best  illustrated  by  the  motives  actuating 
employers  when  trade  is  slack. 

In  every  occupation  there  are  some  employees  whose 
industrial  tenure  is  less  sscure  than  that  of  others.  They 
are,  it  may  be,  less  capable,  less  trustworthy,  or  less  easy 
to  get  on  with,  and  when  any  are  dismissed  these  men 
go  first.  Their  elimination  is  less  certain  and  less 
sudden  in  some  trades  than  in  others,  according  to  the 
character  of  the  work,  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  plant 
used,  to  the  method  of  remuneration,  or  to  other  causes. 
But  even  in  circumstances  that  facilitate  continuous  work 
employers  rather  welcome  the  opportunity  that  offers  for 

*  In  the  puzzling  English  language,  I  would  beg  any  foreign  reader  to 
observe,  "  A  shifty  man  in  pure  shiftlessness  may  shift,"  and  still  leave  the 
overworked  word  "  shift"  with  two  distinct  meanings. 


238  SURVEY  AND    CONCLVSIOXS. 

weeding  oat  those  whose  services  are  unsatisfactory. 
These  are  the  Jouahs,  without  power  of  prophecy  or  even 
of  foresight,  who  are  thrown  overboard. 

Thus,  of  pianoforte  workers,  an  employer  reports  that 
the  slack  time  is  "  the  opportunity  for  weeding  out  the 
black  sheep  ;  any  men  inclined  to  unsteadiness  or  idleness, 
drunkenness  or  sedition  are  then  generally  got  rid  of."  Of 
the  shipwrights  we  read,  "the  second-rate  men  are  the 
casuals,  taken  on  when  wanted; "  of  French  polishers,  "  the 
best  hands  have  as  usual  the  most  regular  work;  the 
irregularity  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  extra  men  employed  at 
busy  times,  when  double  the  regular  working  staff  is  not 
infrequently  needed."  Of  cabinet  makers  an  employer  says, 
''When  work  is  slack  the  worst  men  are  discharged;"  but, 
he  adds,  that  he  has  four  men  "whom  he  would  not  dis- 
charge even  if  trade  were  very  bad.  He  would  make  stock 
to  keep  them  going."  Of  bookbinders  a  journeyman  says, 
"  the  employers  will  keep  on  the  regular  staff,  discharging 
those  who  were  taken  on  during  the  busy  time.  .  .  .  These 
would  be  the  first  discharged.  The  same  men  are  always 
signing  the  book  " — that  is,  the  out-of-work  book  of  the 
trade  society.  Of  the  machine  watchmakers  an  employer 
states  that  they  try  as  far  as  possible  to  let  their  good 
hands  have  regular  work,  "and  do  not  attempt  to  keep 
on  their  less  good  men  by  lowering  the  hours  of  work  all 
round,  though  this  plan  has  to  be  adopted  when  trade  is 
extremely  slack ;  "  and  among  the  barge-builders,  who  are 
paid  on  a  time-rate  of  7s  Qd  a  day,  it  is  the  young  and  old 
who  are  the  first  to  suffer  in  slack  times. 

Displacement  is  so  frequently  due  to  the  conjunction 
of  some  form  of  personal  disqualification  and  the  pressure 
of  disadvantageous  economic  conditions,  that  it  may 
perhaps  be  assumed  that  only  in  the  minority  of  cases 
is  one  set  of  influences  alone  sufficient  to  determine  the 
f|ue.stion  of  employment  for  any  individual  man.     We  must 


JUnEGULAniTY  OF  EAnXIXGS.  239 

not,  however,  bo  led  on  to  tlie  acceptance  of  what  may 
seem  to  bo  tlie  comforting  corollary  (solacing  thought  to 
many  a  respectable  citizen),  that  '^a  steady  man  who  knows 
his  trade  can  always  secure  employment,"  for  tliat  is  not 
always  so ;  but  it  is  certainly  the  exception  to  find  men  of 
this  stamp  so  placed  that  the  nncertainty  of  their  position 
becomes  for  tliom  a  source  of  serious  difficulty.  They  form 
rather  the  wcll-lubricated  working-class  members  of  society, 
moving  without  much  loss  of  energy,  and  slipping  readily 
into  the  places  which  they  are  able  to  fill.  It  is  the  less 
steady  and  the  less  efficient  Avho  feel  the  friction,  and  creak 
as  they  move.  But,  as  a  corrective  of  complacency,  the 
following  pertinent  instance  from  the  notes  of  our  evidence 
may  perhaps  be  cited.  An  East  London  sugar  refiner, 
who  had  for  some  time  previously  to  the  time  of  our 
interview  been  obliged  gradually  to  discharge  his  staff, 
I'eported  that  one  of  the  men  had  called  regularly  at  the 
works  every  morning  for  three  months  in  the  hope  of  being 
]'e-engagcd.  "  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  disappeared,  and 
on  inquiry  it  was  found  that  he  had  been  sent  to  gaol  for 
housebreaking.  He  had  always  been  a  sober,  steady,  and 
contented  worker,  and  bore  an  excellent  character." 

Personal  causes  of  irregular  employment  are  closely  con- 
nected with  the  extent  to  which  the  elements  of  industrial 
efficiency  are  demanded.  We  have  seen  tJiat  what 
constitutes  personal  economic  efficiency  varies  greatly  in 
character,  and  that  moral  considerations  are  among  those 
that  enter  in  very  varying  degrees.  In  many  occu- 
pations these  can  hai-dly  be  said  to  have  great  importance, 
since  certificates  of  character  are  neither  asked  for  nor 
offered.  When  the  requisite  technical  efficiency  alone  is 
needed,  there  is,  from  the  industrial  point  of  view,  no 
great  difference  between  individuals  whose  character,  if 
a  more  personal  and  more  moral  relationship  had  to  be 
established,  would  be  found  to  differ  widely.  It  is  only 
when  there  is  scope  for  their  display  and  use  that  moral 


240  SUnVFA'  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

cliavacteristics  come  to  have  direct  market  value.  But  it 
is  important  to  note  that  in  many  unexpected  ways  they 
act  as  retaining  qualities,  strengthening  the  position  of 
the  individual,  and  securing  to  him  more  permanently 
the  particular  berth  he  fills. 

It  is  the  conventional  belief  that  modern  employment 
rests  almost  exclusively  upon  a  ''cash  nexus/'  but  the  bond 
is  often  much  more  personal  and  complex.  Even  in  the 
building  trade,  in  which  the  most  impersonal  relationshiji 
between  employer  and  employed  is  illustrated,  we  find 
the  foreman  with  his  list  of  known  men  ;  the  joiners'  shop 
and  the  masons'  yard  each  with  its  nucleus  of  a  permanent 
statf;  and  the  jobbing  builder  with  his  carefully  selected 
employees. 

Industrial  relationships  constantly  tend  to  reflect  the 
necessity  of  accord  between  those  who  are  brought  into 
contact  with  one  another,  so  that  idiosyncrasies  are  not 
ovei'looked,  for  Dick  is  as  a  rule  not  quite  the  same  as 
Tom,  and  Harry  is  rarely  the  equivalent  of  either,  and  each 
foreman  will  have  his  particular  preferences. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  importance 
of  this  constant  undercurrent  of  personal  causation  as 
affecting  employment,  tracing  its  origin  as  it  does  in  so 
many  of  its  aspects  to  the  strength  or  weakness  of 
individual  character. 

Generally,  one  may  say  that  the  test  of  a  workman's 
character  lies  in  his  power  to  establish  reputable  claims, 
other  than  those  of  technical  efficiency,  upon  the  considera- 
tion of  employers;  and  that  of  an  employer  upon  his  ability 
to  appreciate  the  validity  of  such  claims. 

Turning  to  the  consideration  of  the  more  strictly 
economic  causes  of  irregular  employment,  we  may  first 
notice  those  that  are  accompanied  by  price  movements, 
and  may  to  some  extent  even  bo  identified  with  them.  By 
some,  these  movements  are  regarded  as  the  most  prolific 


IRREGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  241 

sources  of  industrial  dislocation  of  ovory  kind,  and  currency 
questions  in  this  relation  have  become  the  battle-field  alike 
of  politics  and  of  economic  theory.  So  disturbing  has  the 
subject  become,  that  "  currency/'  it  has  been  said,  not 
money,  should  now  rank  with  wine  and  women  as  one  of 
the  three  great  causes  of  madness  in  men,  and  we  are 
therefore  fortunate  in  being  able  to  regard  this  contro- 
versial question  as  beyond  the  scope  of  our  inquiry.  For 
in  this  case,  as  in  some  others  yet  to  be  mentioned,  we  find 
no  special  connection  with  the  conditions  of  employment  in 
London."^ 

Moreover,  whatever  may  be  the  influence  exerted  upon 
the  conditions  of  industrial  life  by  the  machinery  of 
exchange,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  active  processes  of 
trade  are  for  the  most  part  carried  on  by  business  men, 
in  a  state  of  mental  indifference  as  to  the  basis  on  which 
the  national  or  international  system  of  currency  rests. 
Or,  if  taken  into  account  at  all,  questions  of  this  kind 
are  classed  with  other  vague  and  subtle  influences,  which, 
though  recognized  as  possibly  affecting  the  conditions  of 
the  particular  market  under  observation,  are  nevertheless 
in  most  cases  felt  to  be  beyond  the  range  of  practical 
calculation. 

All  classes  depend  upon  the  strength  of  the  economic 
motives  of  enterprise.  If  these  flag,  the  whole  population 
suffers,  and  in  them  imagination  plays  a  great  part. 
Although  concrete  facts,  in  the  long  run,  exercise  a  con- 
trolling influence,  a  movement  in  trade  is  primarily 
a  movement  of  many  minds.  Anticipations  are  hopeful  or 
hopeless,  buoyant  or  depressed,  and  the  effects  are  seen  in 
brisk  or  slack  employment.  Thus,  the  state  of  the  labour 
market  is  largely  determined  by  the  ways  in  which  many 
people  are  "  making  up  their  minds.'' 

Just  as  the  Socialist  is   apt   to  over-estimate  the   per- 
manency of  the  material  forms  of  wealth  existing  at  any 
*  This  was  ■written  at  the  height  of  the  bi-metallic  controversy. 

V  16 


242  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

srivcii  time,  and  to  iscuoro  tueir  vital  sources,  so  too  much 
impoi'tance  is  commonly  given  to  the  mechanical  influence 
of  concrete  facts  on  questions  of  price  and  value,  and  too 
little  to  the  results  of  imagination  playing  on  these  facts, 
and  to  the  freedom  with  which,  according  to  its  interpreta- 
tion of  the  circumstances  of  the  moment,  each  individual 
acts. 

This  is  hardly  less  true  on  the  side  of  consumption  than 
on  that  of  production,  for  the  proportion  of  the  general  de- 
mand that  is  determined  by  sheer  necessity  has  been  greatly 
diminished  in  modern  times.  The  aggregate  demand  is  be- 
coming more  many-sided  and  more  optional,  and,  therefore, 
more  variable  and  more  elastic.  Confidence  has  thus  an 
increasing  power  to  beget  a  freer  expenditure,  and  this 
expenditure  justifies,  and  in  its  turn  reacts  upon,  the 
hopeful  anticipations  which  have  stimulated  production. 
In  the  absence  of  confidence,  the  reverse  happens ; 
the  energy  of  enterprise  is  checked  and  expenditure  is 
unnecessarily  reduced. 

Good  judgment  in  business  is  largely  a  manner  of 
interpreting  the  conditions  of  a  particular  market  at  any 
given  moment ;  and  in  the  watching  of  prices  as  an  indica- 
tion of  tendencies — of  stability  or  instability,  of  probable 
loss  or  probable  profit — we  detect  the  secret  of  the 
importance  that  they  and  questions  of  currency  assume  in 
connection  with  the  problem  of  irregular  employment,  and 
touch  on  the  allied  causes  of  movement — speculation  and 
credit — both  of  which  may  become  sources  of  industrial 
disturbance. 

When  enterprise  is  encouraged  by  speculation,  and 
credit  is  inflated,  employment  tends  to  be  brisk  and  well 
sustained.  But  excess  brings  the  penalty  of  reaction. 
If  demand  has  been  miscalculated,  the  inevitable  con- 
traction ensues  to  adjust  the  balance,  and  loss  of  employ- 
ment follows.  How  far  speculation  should  go  and  the 
extent   to    which   credit   should   be   given,    arc,   however, 


innEGVLARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  213 

essentially  questions  of  degree.  The  latter  is  closely  allicrl 
to  that  contidence  which  is  the  very  basis  of  industrial 
enterprise,  and  great  benefits  can  be  secured  by  the 
legitimate  action  of  both. 

On  the  mind  of  the  merchant  or  manufacturer  price  lins 
its  influence  as  affecting  the  chances  of  profit,  and  on  the 
consumer  in  regard  to  the  income  available  for  expendi- 
ture. It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  trader,  the 
contractor,  and  the  financier  are  affected  more  directly  than 
the  wage-earner. 

Price  movements,  it  will  be  readily  seen,  are  the  outcome 
of  a  large  number  of  antecedent  causes.  It  is  the 
complexity  of  these  and  the  manifold  ways  in  whicli  they 
ruffle  or  perturb  the  sea  of  employment  tliat  the  present 
analysis  empliasizes,  and  makes  it  desirable  to  indicate 
some  of  the  more  special  economic  causes  of  discontinuous 
employment  evidenced  by  our  study  of  the  London  trades. 

Alterations  in  tlie  conditions  of  employment  may  be 
quite  independent  of  any  internal  changes  in  the  particular 
trade  affected,  and  be  connected  rather  with  the  level  of 
industrial  activity  maintained  in  the  country  at  large.  Thus 
the  engineering  trades  are  primarily  dependent  on  "  cycles 
of  inflation  or  contraction  that  affect  the  industry  of 
the  country  generally,"  and  the  transport  of  goods  may  be 
cited  as  an  instance  of  services,  the  fluctuating  demand  for 
which  also  illustrates  this  marked  general  relationshijo. 

Other  trades  which  depend  for  their  activity  upon  the 
general  level  of  prosperity  are  the  group  of  industries 
that  provide  the  commodities  coming  under  the  general 
heading  of  luxuries,  viz.  gold  and  silver  ware,  carriages, 
pianofortes,  &c.  Some  of  these  are  subject  to  special 
causes  of  seasonal  variation  in  demand,  but,  in  a 
general  way,  they  stand  in  striking  contrast  to  the 
great  central  class  of  trades,  such  as  baking,  boot-making, 
dyeing,  &c.,  which  provide  the  objects  of  a  more  persistent, 
y  1(5  * 


•2U  SVnVEY  JXD   C02:CLUSI0XS. 

because  more  necessary  demand,  and  are  thus  less  subject 
to  rapid  fluctuations. 

In  other  cases,  a  closer  interdependence  of  trades  is 
ilhistrnted.  Thus,  the  molasses  coopers  have  suffered 
pernuinently  from  the  substitution  of  beet  for  cane  sugar, 
and  the  decline  of  sugar  refining  in  London  ;  the  white-lead 
workers  respond  to  the  fluctuations  in  the  painting  trade, 
and  are  slackest  in  November  and  December ;  tank-makers 
are  busy  in  spring  with  the  revival  of  the  building  trade, 
while  the  ironfounders  are  dependent  to  some  extent  upon 
the  same  influence.  Sometimes  it  is  the  slackness  of  one 
employment  which  causes  briskness  in  another.  Thus, 
in  the  winter,  when  brewers  brew  less,  coppersmiths  and 
braziers  are  called  in  to  repair  the  plant,  and  many  other 
similar  instances  might  be  given. 

Different  trades,  again,  are  subject  to  different  influences, 
according  to  the  size  and  character  of  the  market  they 
supply. 

In  some  occupations  we  find  an  illustration  of  the 
advantage  that  is  secured  by  a  more  Avidely  difi'used 
internal  demand;  paper  and  cardboard  box  makers,  for 
instance,  were  at  first  mainly  dependent  on  the  drapery 
trade,  and  closely  followed  its  fluctuations,  but  their  wares 
are  now  much  more  widely  used,  with  the  result  that 
there  is  a  greater  equalization  as  well  as  an  extension 
of  the  demand.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  tin  canister 
trade,  in  which  "  potted  meats  in  the  early  months 
of  the  year,  sausages  in  the  spring,  fruit  in  the  summer, 
fish  in  the  autumn,  and  a  little  of  everything  in  the  winter, 
keep  the  men  going  throughout  the  year  with  a  fair  degree 
of  uniformity ,'' 

A  great  local  market,  such  as  that  of  London,  contracts 
or  expands  in  noticeable  ways,  but  those  of  its  trades  which 
Bupply  a  large  external  demand  are  liable  to  a  new  and 
further  range  of  disturbing  influences. 


IRREGULAIilTY  OF  EARNINGS.  245 

Thus,  the  Lancashire  Cotton  Strike  of  1893  is  reported 
as  having  been  a  cause  of  great  slackness  in  the  London 
pianoforte  and  harmonium  trade  in  that  year ;  and,  in 
book-binding,  Bible  work  is  mentioned  as  having  been 
curtailed  in  1893-4  by  the  tariff  legislation  and  commercial 
collapse  in  America;  while  the  wire-drawers  have  suffered 
in  recent  years  through  depression  in  Australia. 

Under  modern  conditions,  with  increased  information, 
greater  publicity  and  better  means  of  transport  and  com- 
munication, there  seems  also  to  be  a  greater  risk  of  rapid 
variation  in  the  volume  of  trade.  The  magnitude  and 
the  ramifications  of  a  great  trading  activity  are  apt  to 
carry  with  them  also  the  sting  of  uncertainty.  For  many 
of  her  products  the  world  is  the  market  of  Ijondou, 
and  there  are  few  outside  movements,  whether  they  be 
troubles  in  Africa,  depression  in  Australia,  collapse  in 
Aro-entina,  or  excitement  in  America,  that  do  not  re-act 
upon  the  condition  of  one  section  or  another  of  London 
wage-earners.  London  and  the  British  Isles  have  given  an 
unequalled  pledge  to  industrial  fortune,  but  in  embracing 
freedom,  they  have  at  the  same  time  donned  a  fiery 
Nessus  coat.  They  have  left  far  behind  the  ideal  of  a  quiet 
self -containment,  and  have  subjected  themselves  rather 
to  the  invigorating  influences  of  a  world-competition. 
Expansion  has  become  the  law  of  our  industrial  life,  and 
iu  creasing  wealth  is  its  first-fruit.  But  uncertainty,  irregu- 
larity and  poverty  lurk  behind,  and  are  also  in  part  its 
offspring. 

The  disturbing  effects  of  alterations  in  the  fiscal  policy 
of  other  nations  are  well-worn  themes,  but  at  home  we 
do  not  suffer  much  disturbance  from  legislative  action. 
There  are  few  industries  that  can  be  affected  by  the 
annual  budget,  and  the  influence  of  general  legislation 
upon  employment,  even  when  concerned  with  the  regu- 
lation   of    industrial    conditions,    is,    except    as    regards 


216  SUnVFA'  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

women  and  cliiklren,  incidental  only.  In  tlie  casps  of 
electric  lighting  and  the  telephone  system,  and  more 
recently  in  that  of  the  anto-iuotors,  we  find  instances, 
liowever,  of  industries  directly  dependent  npon  Parlianient- 
nrv  or  ninuicipal  action  for  their  development,  and  one 
ihiug  often  loads  to  another,  as  when  the  introdnction  of 
the  parcel-post  gave  a  sudden  stimulus  to  the  production 
of  weighing  machines. 

The  effects  of  adininistration  are  probably  greater  than 
those  of  legislation,  and  in  some  directions  employments  have 
been  prejudiced  in  London  by  the  action  of  the  local 
authorities.  The  motive  has  been  found  in  the  general 
well-being,  but  the  industrial  structure,  although  resting 
on  a  strong  foundation,  is  delicate,  and  parts  are  easily 
injured.  In  these  cases,  as  in  every  other  instance  of 
disturbance,  we  see  the  first  effects  of  interference  in  an 
increased  iiTCgularity  of  employment  for  some  section  of 
the  workers.  An  illustration  of  this  may  be  drawn  from 
the  practical  abolition  of  the  private  slaughter-houses  of 
London. 

Advocates  of  this  or  that  particular  reform  are  apt  to  be 
impatient  of  the  sluggish  movement  of  Parliament  and  of 
municipal  authorities.  But  it  is  a  matter  for  congratulation 
v/hen  changes  affecting  trade  and  industry  are  introduced 
by  slow  degrees.  It  is  invariably  difficvilt  to  foresee  the 
mischief  that  may  be  caused  by  ill-judged  action,  and, 
though  there  is  often  a  very  strong  temptation  to  take 
up  the  heroic  cry  of  justice  at  any  cost,  it  is  to  bo 
remembered  that  the  heavens  may  sometimes  fall.  In 
matters  affecting  the  material  base  upon  which  the  whole 
]yolitical  and  social  structure  of  the  country  rests,  and 
upon  the  solidity  of  which  even  its  power  of  moral  and 
intellectual  advance  is  largely  dependent,  it  is  specially 
imperative  to  "make  haste  slowly.^' 

Certain  more  persistent  social  and  economic  forces  tend 


IRREGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  247 

often  in  the  same  way  to  bring  about  irregularity  of 
employment.  From  Avithin  there  is  the  constant  pressure 
of  the  new  generations  that  are  ever  taking  their  place  in 
the  ranks  of  the  adult  workers.  The  tide  of  an  increasing 
popidation  is  jDerhaps  the  most  fundamental  cause,  on  the 
one  side,  of  well-being,  but,  on  the  other,  of  greater 
economic  stress  on  this  or  that  individual  wao-e-earner. 
And  as,  from  increasing  intelligence,  or  from  greater 
adaptability  to  the  new  conditions,  the  young  battalions 
improve  their  power  of  competition,  we  cannot  blind  our- 
selves to  the  fact,  that  while  the  community  gains,  the 
industrial  tenure  of  the  men  and  women  of  the  older 
generation  becomes  gradually  less  secure. 

In  some  trades  the  pressure  is  from  without,  having  its 
source  sometimes  in  the  competition  of  the  migrant  or  the 
alien,  and  sometimes  in  the  introduction  of  provincial  or 
foreign  commodities.  Jewellers,  furriers,  tailors,  boot- 
makers, cabinet-makers,  tobacco-workers,  confectioners, 
and  hair-dressers,  for  instance,  are  largely  invaded  by 
foreigners,  while  it  is  provincial  workmen  who  enter 
the  ranks  of  coach-builders,  farriers,  bakers  (the  German 
influx  in  this  direction  having  been  to  some  extent 
arrested),  and  many  sections  of  the  building  trades  and  of 
general  labourers. 

From  this  influx,  London  as  a  whole  stands  to  gain, 
whether  by  the  creation  of  a  new  local  industry,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  wholesale  clothing  trade,  or  by  the 
high  level  reached  by  some  London  trades,  largely  from 
their  power  of  attracting  the  best  provincial  labour. 
But  the  weaker  individual  members  of  the  trades 
affected  suffer  in  the  keenness  of  competition  that 
prevails. 

As  regards  the  introduction  of  commodities,  we  find 
that  in  the  building  trades,  although  the  products  are 
mainly  fixtures,  the  tendency  is  for  an  increasing  pro- 
portion   of   the    work    to   be    executed    in   the    provinces.' 


248  SUItVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

In  many  otlier  trades  in  whicli  the  pi'oducts  are  easily 
portable,  the  pressure  of  competition  from  outside  markets 
becomes  still  more  marked.  Organ-builders  and  piano- 
forte-makers, for  instance,  have  to  compete  more  than 
formerly  ■with  provincial  factories,  and  engineering,  ship- 
building, coach-building,  basket-making,  comb-making, 
boat-building,  chair-making  and  printing  are  among  other 
trades  in  which  the  position  of  the  London  operative  is  being 
Aveakened  by  competition  from  provincial  sources  of  supply; 
■while  carvers  and  gilders,  lath-renders,  oar-makers,  gold- 
beaters, lithographic  aud  colour  printers,  fancy  letter 
makers,  ■watchmakers,  and  sugar-refiners  are  among  those 
that  are  subject  to  a  similar  pressure  from  the  output  of 
foreign  markets. 

There  is  probably  a  balance  of  total  gain  in  all  this 
economic  movement.  But  a  certain  amount  of  displace- 
ment is  inevitable,  and  it  would  be  diflicult  to  strike  an 
exact  account  in  any  given  case.  In  some  instances,  ■we 
see  the  competition  acting  as  a  stimulus,  but  in  others 
the  contest  is  too  severe,  and  not  only  do  individuals  go 
under,  but  ■whole  trades  dwindle. 


The  extended  use  of  machinery  and  the  adoption  either 
of  new  processes  or  of  fresh  applications  of  science  to 
manufacture  act  in  various  ways  as  sources  of  industrial 
disturbance  and  displacement.  They  may  eliminate  a 
portion  of  the  labour  previously  employed;  or  may  change 
its  character  and  standard. 

We  find  illustrations  on  every  hand  of  the  substitution 
of  products — stimulating  the  demand  for  labour  in  one 
direction  and  curtailing  it  in  another.  Thus,  the  use  of 
tank  vessels  and  tank  carts  for  petroleum  in  the  place  of 
barrels,  and  of  galvanized  iron  ware  for  wooden  buckets, 
weakens  the  demand  for  the  services  of  the  cooper;  and 
the  introduction  of  wire-woven  spring  mattrasses  displaces 


innEGULAEITY  OF  EARNINGS.  2-19 

the  palliasse  maker.  Perforated  wooden  seats  for  cliairs 
are  ousting  the  makers  of  the  old-fashioned  cane  bottoms, 
and  type-founders  are  prejudicially  affected  by  the  extended 
practice  of  stereotyping.  Process  engraving  has  largely 
taken  the  place  of  steel  and  copperplate ;  the  use  of  iron 
spars,  iron  masts  and  wire  ropes  is  withdrawing  employ- 
ment from  riggers,  mast  and  block  makers;  sail-makers 
suffer  from  the  substitution  of  steam  for  sailing  ships, 
and  the  buikling  trades  offer  numerous  examples  of 
new  products  which  have  forced  their  way  upon  the 
market. 

Printers,  boot-makers,  felt-hat  makers,  oil-millers,  chem- 
ical workers,  lightermen,  and  to  some  extent  plumbers, 
joiners  and  builders^  labourers,  are  among  the  ti-adcs  in 
which  a  certain  amount  of  actual  displacement  is  being 
effected  at  the  present  time,  and,  in  spite  of  the  general 
economic  gain  that  tends  to  follow  from  every  successful 
substitution,  the  practical  problem  of  unemployment  stares 
in  the  face  those  individuals  whose  industrial  position  is 
assailed. 

Changes  in  the  character  of  the  work  and  the  standard 
of  skill  demanded  are  illustrated  by  the  dyers  and  cleaners, 
whose  improved  methods  have  displaced  many  of  the 
upholstresses  and  seamstresses  previously  employed, 
and  also  by  watchmakers,  rope-makers,  potters,  and  tin 
canister  makers. 

The  deterioration  of  skill  due  to  changes  in  methods  of 
production,  aided  by  the  absence  of  systematic  industrial 
training,  causes  the  anchorage  of  the  individual  to  the 
place  he  fills  to  become  less  secure.  In  those  trade? 
also  in  which  an  excessive  sub-division  of  labour  prevails, 
the  individual  independence  of  the  worker  is  weakened. 
He  is  unable  to  work  unless  he  can  be  fitted  into 
a  scheme  of  organized  production,  and  in  most  cases 
needs    the    help     of     plant   which    he     cannot    own,    but 


250  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

^Yhich  forms  a  necessary  part    of  tlie  processes  in  which 
he  is  engaged.* 

"We  must,  however,  not  exaggerate  the  effects  on  the 
continuity  of  employment  of  this  form  of  deterioration  of 
skill,  aud  apparent  loss  of  independence.  In  no  small 
number  of  cases  the  simplicity  of  the  work  and  the 
consequent  ease  with  which  the  requisite  skill  can  be 
acquired,  actually  increase  the  number  of  the  channels 
by  which  employment  can  be  secured.  In  its  extremer 
and  lower  forms  we  find  this  power  of  adaptation  illustrated 
by  the  ability  of  the  foreign  immigrant,  even  in  almost 
complete  independeuce  of  his  past  occupation,  to  pick  up 
some  branch  of  one  of  the  highly  localized  and  differ- 
entiated trades  in  East  London,  such  as  tailoring",  cabinet- 
making,  or  boot-making.  The  individual  tends  to  become 
less  capable,  but  some  compensation  is  found  in  the 
inci'cased  mobility  that  results  from  the  very  simplicity  of 
the  processes  required  by  his  own  and  similarly  situated 
trades. 

In  its  higher  forms,  again,  we  find  corresponding  effects 
due  to  the  general  similarity  of  the  machines  used  in  many 
branches  of  the  engineering  trades,  and  Professor  Marshall 
cites  numerous  industrial  operations  as  illustrating  the  truth 
that  "  while  there  is  a  constantly  increasing  sub-division 
of  labour,  many  of  the  lines  of  division  between  trades 
which  are  normally  distinct  are  becoming  narrower  and 
less  difficult  to  be  passed." 

But  at  the  present  stage  of  industrial  development,  when 
excessive  specialization  often  means  deterioration  of  power 
and  limitation  of  adaptability,  and  when  those  who  follow 
these  highly  differentiated  branches  of  employment  are 
ofLen   poorly    educated    and    without    the    intellectual   or 

•  A  high  value  of  machinery  and  plant  relatively  to  the  cost  of  labour 
employed,  tends  in  itself  to  promote  greateu  regularity  of  employment,  since 
the  loss  from  its  disuse  becomes  an  additional  inducement  to  the  owner  to 
secure  its  continuous  service. 


iniiEGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  2.:i 

physical  vigour  that  are  the  great  aids  to  industrial 
independence,  the  result  is  seen  in  a  weakened  economic 
position,  and  in  the  greater  discontinuity  of  employment 
that  tends  to  follow. 

Increased  simplicity  of  process,  duo  either  to  the  intro- 
duction of  machinery  or  to  the  extending  sub-division  of 
labour,  has  many  effects,  of  which  one  is  the  substitution 
of  boy  or  female  labour  for  that  of  the  adult  male. 
Printing,  brush-making,  wire  rope  and  netting  making, 
and  tin  canister  making,  are  illustrations  of  trades  iu 
Avhich  this  change  has  followed  on  the  extended  introduc- 
tion of  machinery;  while  cabinet-making,  upholstering, 
fancy  leather  working  and  vellum  binding,  are  among 
those  in  which  it  has  resulted  rather  from  an  increasing 
sub-division  of  the  work. 

In  many  of  the  influences  affecting  irregularity  of 
earnings,  the  hand  of  nature  may  be  detected.  At  the 
present  time,  when,  in  spite  of  restrictive  tariffs,  the  whole 
world  is  becoming  economically  more  completely  one,  and 
when,  in  consequence,  the  more  primitive  fear  of  famine, 
and  even  of  great  scarcity,  is  far  removed  from  the  vast 
majority  of  the  members  of  all  civilized  communities, 
physical  conditions  still  remain,  even  in  the  urban  centres 
of  England,  the  greatest  single  disturbing  influence  on  the 
state  of  employment. 

By  the  time  and  bounty  of  harvests  this  great  population 
is  comparatively  but  little  affected.  In  certain  London 
occupations,  however,  a  direct  relation  to  agricultural  and 
rui'al  conditions  may  be  detected,  not  only  in  the  work  of 
distribution,  as  in  the  handling  of  grain  at  the  Surrey 
Commercial  or  the  Millwall  Docks,  or  in  the  case  of 
greengrocers  during  the  summer  months,  "  especially  the 
strawberry  season,^^  but  also  in  such  cases  as  the  paper- 
bag  makers,  for  whose  products  the  fruit  season  rapidly 
increases  the  demand  ;  or  of  the  braziers,  who   are  busy 


252  SURVEY  ASD    CONCLUSIONS. 

wlien  jam-malcers  "  require  new  coppers   or  send  iu  their 
old  ones  to  be  repaired." 

In  other  instances,  however,  when  nature  is  bountiful, 
and  even  on  tliis  very  account  a  Loudon  trade  may  be 
depressed,  as  iu  the  case  of  the  oil-millers,  who  are 
usually  slack  in  summer,  when  little  oil-cake  is  required 
for  feediug  cattle,  but  were  brisk  when  the  hay  harvest 
lailed  in  1893. 

Changes  in  the  temperature  or  the  Aveather  have  a  very 
marked  influence  on  the  state  of  employment,  and  the 
building  trades  afford  the  most  conspicuous  instance  of  their 
effects  on  the  demand  for  labour. 

Rain  is  an  enemy  to  many  occupations.  Billposters,  for 
instance,  are  turned  off  in  wet  weatlier,  and  at  the  Docks 
the  same  cause  may  throw  from  500  to  2500  men  out  of 
employment  on  any  given  day. 

The  material  loss  arising  from  a  day  of  douse  London  fog 
cannot  be  easily  estimated,  nor  the  occupations  enumerated 
that  it  harms.  The  sole  compensating  effect  is  probably 
found  among  those  who  provide  the  various  forms  of 
artificial  lighting. 

A  curious  instance  in  which  weather  that  is  generally 
unfavourable  improves  the  chances  of  employment  of  a 
particular  class  is  that  of  the  lightermen,  for  whom,  in  the 
absence  of  such  an  excessive  frost  as  may  lock  the  Thames, 
the  unpropitious  winter  weather  is  advantageous.  The 
explanation  is  found  partly  in  the  brisker  coal  trade  of 
the  colder  months  of  the  year,  but  mainly  in  the  longer 
time  that  the  work  takes  and  the  larger  number  of  men 
it  is  consequently  necessary  to  employ. 

A  still  more  important  point  is  the  effect  of  the  seasons 
on  demand. 

There  are  a  few  happily  constituted  trades  in  which, 
though  the  seasonal  effect  on  demand  for  any  one  article 
is  considerable,  a  compensating  influence  is  found  in  the 
different  character  of  the  goods  supplied.    Thus,  in  the  case 


lUEEGULAniTY  OF  EARNINGS.  253 

of  gas-stoves,  those  used  for  cooking  are  especially  in 
request  in  the  summer  and  those  for  heating  in  the  winter; 
while  in  thcligliter  metal  trades  coal-scuttles  and  water-pots 
form  the  staple  commf)ditics,  and  these  again  represent 
a  winter  and  summer  demand.  The  same  equilibrium  is 
maintained  for  the  zinc-workers ;  while  philosophical  and 
optical  instrument  making  are  among  trades  that  are 
fortunate  in  producing  commodities  that  can  be  safely  made 
"  for  stock,"  since  they  neither  deteriorate  quickly,  nor  does 
their  fashion  change. 

Generally,  however,  it  is  otherwise,  and  variation  in 
demand  due  to  physical  causes  is  often  followed,  as  with 
gas-workers,  by  an  almost  inevitable  irregularity  of  em- 
ployment. 

The  seasons  as  affecting  temperature  have  a  yet  wider 
range  of  influence  upon  demand,and  especially  in  the  various 
branches  of  the  clothing  trade  is  this  influence  of  the 
seasons  noticeable.  Coal-porters  and  woodchoppers  again 
are  busiest  during  the  winter ;  while  frosty  weather  causes 
a  brisk  demand  for  the  services  of  the  farrier.  To  some 
extent  also  the  state  of  the  thermometer  affects  the  con- 
sumption of  food  and  drink :  for  example,  less  beer  and 
more  spirits  are  taken  when  the  temperature  is  very  low. 

On  house  repairs  and  renewals  the  seasons  have  also 
their  effect.  The  "  spring  running ''  is  not  confined  to 
the  jungle,  and  house- cleaning  may  perhaps  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  many  signs  of  that  renewal  of  life  that 
nature^s  new  year  stirs.  Thus,  dyers  and  cleaners  are  busy 
then,  and,  although  there  is  an  autumn  season,  it  is  "  the 
spring  rush  that  causes  the  greatest  irregularity." 

Again,  it  is  when  the  sunlight  comes,  and  discloses 
the  shabbier  corners,  that  the  need  of  something  new 
to  brighten  the  rooms  is  felt,  with  a  resulting  brisk- 
ness in  many  branches  of  the  furniture  trade,  such 
as  bamboo  and  cane-work.  The  corresponding  demand 
for  goods  at  holiday  resorts    makes    itself  felt    somewhat 


254  SUEVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

later  in  the  year,  nearer  tlio  time  at  wliicli  tlie  summer 
iudux  of  visitors  is  expected,  for  whom  preparation  must 
be  made.  Paper-stainers,  on  the  other  hand,  are  busy 
in  the  winter,  preparing  the  stores  that  will  be  needed  in 
the  spring — and  many  other  trades  are  similarly  affected. 

The  weather,  too,  as  such,  has  its  own  sphere  of  influence 
on  demand.  The  winter,  with  its  heavy  storms  and  fogs,  is 
the  busiest  time  for  shipwrights  and  many  other  river-side 
workers,  whose  main  employment  in  London  now  consists 
in  making  good  the  damage  due  to  nature^s  destructive 
energy;  while  for  pleasure  boats  the  busy  time  is  the 
spring  and  the  quieter  and.  warmer  months  of  the  year. 

Lastly,  the  effect  of  weather  and  of  temperatui'e  on  life 
and  health  may  be  noted,  and  the  corresponding  effect  on 
demand.  Undertakers  are  apt  to  be  busiest  from  November 
to  April,  and.  for  the  manufacturing  druggists,  also,  the 
winter,  when  illness  and  disease  are  most  rife,  is  the  busiest 
time.  Epidemics  have  naturally  a  disturbing  influence  of 
the  same  kind,  and  the  outbreak  of  influenza  in  the  summer 
of  1893  was  spoken  of  as  a  red-letter  time  for  the  clinical 
thermometer  makers  and  for  the  section  of  the  glass-blowing 
trade  that  manufactures  small  medicine  bottles.  It  may 
be  remarked  that  this  note  of  satisfaction  at  the  access  of 
new  business  due  to  a  sudden  demand  is  not  echoed  by  the 
undertakers.  They  prefer,  on  the  other  hand,  "  a  good, 
steady  death-rate.  Fluctuations  annoy  them,"  since  a  busy 
is  sure  to  be  succeeded  by  a  slack  time.  They  know  that 
sooner  or  later  their  services  must  be  demanded. 

Fashion  is  a  universally  recognized  cause  of  fluctuation 
and  its  influence  is  widespread.  It  becomes  a  serious 
source  of  irregularity  in  many  directions,  and  the  variable 
earnings  of  the  women  who  work  for  fashionable  West 
London  dress-makers  are  among  its  many  unsatisfactory 
results. 

There  is  fashion  in  times  as  well  as  in  commodities,  and 


IRREGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  255 

the  '^season"  iu  London,  involving  as  it  does  tho  presence 
in  large  numbers  of  those  whose  power  of  effective  demand 
is  great,  is  another  sti'ong  influence  incompatible  with 
continuous  employment.  In  some  directions  the  effects  ara 
mainly  on  the  work  of  retail  distribution,  but  a  great 
anticipatory  demand  is  often  created,  and  this  reacts  upon 
the  productive  industries  themselves. 

In  many  occupations,  however,  the  presence  of  the 
consumer  is  required  in.  order  to  give  the  necessary 
stimulus.  We  find  this  influence  reflected  in  the  employ- 
ment of  goldsmiths,  jewellers,  and  others  whose  products 
are  durable,  and  still  more  noticeably  in  that  of  con- 
fectioners, cabmen,  livery  stablemen,  fari'iers,  and  others 
who  supply  either  a  perishable  commodity  or  some  required 
service  of  the  moment. 

In  other  cases  there  is  a  more  immediate  cause  of 
variation.  The  pantomime  season  gives  a  special  fillip 
to  gold  and  silver- wire  workers  and  wig  makers;  great 
weddings  afford  bi'isk  employment  to  lapidaries  and 
workers  in  the  precious  metals ;  goldbeaters  and  gilders 
are  specially  busy  when  artists  are  preparing  for  the  picture 
exhibitions  of  tho  spring ;  and  Parliament,  the  political 
accompaniment  of  much  of  the  social  activity  of  London, 
is  itself  directly  responsible  for  a  considerable  amount 
of  fluctuation,  especially  in  some  sections  of  the  printing 
tirades. 

In  some  cases  we  find  the  disturbing;-  influence  iu  the 
calendar  itself;  Christmas  is  the  culminating  time  for 
many  trades,  and  production  is  frequently  seen  anticipating 
the  demand  of  the  last  few  weeks  of  the  year.  Thus  for 
letter-press  binders,  fancy  leather  workers,  dressing-case 
makers,  &c.,  the  months  preceding  the  Christmals  season  are 
the  busy  time. 

Tim_es  of  leisure  again  become  sources  of  disturbance, 
providing  employment  for  some  sections  and  taking  it  away 
from  others.     All  public  holidays,  for  instance,  not  by  any 


256  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

means  exclncUng  the  Christmas  festival  itself,  make  the 
pewtorers  busy,  -while  the  summer  holiday  season  is  the  busy 
time  for  the  portmanteau  and  trunk  makers.  But,  while  more 
leisured  London  takes  its  voluntary  recess  in  August  and 
September,  an  enforced  holiday  is  in  some  cases  imposed 
upon  other  classes.  The  retail  newsagents  are  affected  at 
this  time,  and  in  the  letter-press  printing  these  months 
are  described,  except  for  those  who  Avork  on  the  parochial 
registers,  as  the  dead  season  of  the  year.  In  other 
directions  the  leisure  of  some  and  the  absence  of  others 
creates  employment ;  amongst  lead-workers,  for  example, 
autumn  is  the  busiest  time  for  the  manufacture  of  sporting- 
shot,  whilst  at  this  season  also  the  electrical  worker, 
with  the  least  amount  of  disturbance  to  occupiers,  can  enter 
dwellings  to  put  up  fittings  and  installations. 

Some  of  the  above  instances  may  perhaps  seem  trifling, 
but,  even  if  activity  be  stimulated  in  other  directions,  no 
change  is  without  significance  Avhich  diminishes  the  demand 
for  the  labour  of  any  set  of  workers,  however  few  they  may 
be.  For  it  is  by  the  multiplication  of  such  small  changes 
that  the  great  problem  of  discontinuous  employment  is 
created.  In  the  present  chapter  we  have  endeavoured  to 
indicate  even  the  tiny  rivulets  of  industrial  movement, 
for  there  is  no  general  convergence  of  the  streams,  be 
they  large  or  small.  Each  rather  has  its  own  measure  of 
influence  on  the  position  of  this  or  that  group  of  workers. 

An  influence  of  a  different  order  arises  from  the  division 
of  the  spheres  of  work  as  between  trade  and  trade. 

The  sliarp  differentiation  of  labour  has  been  noticed 
as  one  of  the  main  characteristics  of  the  industrial  field 
of  London;  and,  so  far  as  many  of  the  more  highly 
organized  trades  are  concerned,  it  is  in  consequence 
becoming  less  and  less  open  to   the  out-of-work    artisan 


IRREGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  257 

or  mechanic  to  make  excursions  into  such  other  employ- 
ment as  miglit  offer  in  slack  times.  Thus,  while  in 
a  small  provincial  town  the  man  is  welcomed  who  can  turn 
his  hand  with  equal  facility  to  plastering  or  to  brick-work, 
and,  perhaps,  "  do  a  Lit  of  plumbing,''  in  London  this 
free  movement  from  crafb  to  craft  is  often  restrictcti,  and 
men  are  thus  prevented,  during  periods  of  unemployment, 
from  the  search  for,  or  the  acceptance  of,  work  in  other 
directions. 

Under  these  circumstances,  alternative  employment,  if 
undertaken  at  all,  has  to  be  sought  in  quite  alien  fields  : 
the  bricklayer,  for  instance,  must  not  try  for  work  in 
the  mason's  yard;  the  joiner  is  forbidden  to  poach  in  the 
cabinet-maker's  shop  ;  and  the  fitter  who  endeavours  to 
secure  plumbing-work  is  looked  at  askance  by  members 
of  the  latter  craft.  Sometimes  these  restrictions  limit 
rather  arbitrarily  the  field  of  a  man's  possible  employment, 
and  leave  him  out  of  work  Vv^hen  under  freer  conditions  he 
might  have  been  able  to  tide  more  easily  over  periods  of 
slackness.  This  is  the  penalty  that  some  are  from  time  to 
time  compelled  to  pay,  in  return  for  the  advantage  of 
the  definite  field  of  employment  that  is  secured  to  them 
within  the  pale  of  the  given  trade.  But  though  the 
individual  may  thus  sometimes  lose  the  reward  of  a  greater 
adaj)tability  through  a  convention  that  prevents  him  from 
doing  what  he  can  and  allows  him  to  do  only  what  the 
rules  of  his  own  and  other  trades  permit,  in  occupations 
where  distinct  spheres  of  work  are  usually  recognized  and 
observed,  the  general  economic  result  probably  secures  to 
the  community,  with  least  friction,  the  most  competent 
aggregate  service. 

It  sometimes  happens,  however,  that  the  allotted  spheres 
of  competing  and  allied  trades  are  not  well-defined,  and  in 
such  cases  overlapping  produces  more  or  less  friction  and 
open  dispute,  the  disturbing  effects  of  which  again  make 
for  discontinuity  of  employment. 

v  17 


253  SURVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

In  tlie  demarcation  of  industries  and  in  the  difficulties 
occasionally  arising  from  overlapping,  tlie  trade  unions 
often  make  themselves  felt;  but,  in  other  ways  also — some- 
times through  the  persistent  pressure  of  strong  and  active 
organizations,  and  sometimes  as  the  consequence  of  an  actual 
dispute — these  societies  inadvertently  become  themselves 
the  causes  of  irregular  employment.  The  actual  loss  of  -work 
that  is  necessarily  involved  in  every  strike  or  lock-out 
requires  a  sacrifice  that  is  often  never  made  good,  either  in 
the  trade  immediately  concerued  or  in  those  that  are  allied 
and  indirectly  affected.  A  harmful  break  of  this  kind  cannot 
be  left  out  of  account,  even  if  the  ultimate  effects  of  the 
struggle  be  beneficial  to  the  workman,  so  that  employment 
is  resumed  under  conditions  better  than  those  preceding 
the  dispute.  But  the  effects  are  not  seldom  to  alter  the 
ensuing  conditions  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  wage- 
earner,  be  it  by  the  actual  removal  of  the  work  to  the 
provinces  or  to  other  countries ;  by  the  more  speedy  intro- 
duction of  machinery ;  by  the  more  rigorous  exclusion  of 
the  less  competent  members  of  the  trade ;  by  the  employ- 
ment of  a  cheaper  form  of  labour;  by  the  introduction  or 
more  rapid  substitution  of  some  alternative  commodity  or 
service;  or  simply  by  the  fact  that  personal  relations 
between  employers  and  employed  become  strained  and 
hardened. 

Finally,  we  may  observe  that  in  several  trades  the  normal 
effects  of  many  of  the  influences  making  for  irregular 
employment  are  accentuated  by  the  conditions  as  to 
terms  of  notice  under  which  men  enter  upon  their  periods 
of  service.  The  right  and  custom  of  immediate  dismissal 
on  the  one  side  and  of  immediate  notice  on  the  other  is 
widely  prevalent,  and  necessarily  tends  to  make  tenuro 
insecure  and  uncertain.  It  is  true  that  in  some  industries 
there  has  been  a  marked  increase  during  recent  years  in 
the  proportion  of  those  in  more  permanent  employment — 


IRREGULARITY  OF  EARNINGS.  259 

notably  in  labour  at  the  docks,  wharves,  and  warehouses. 
But  in  many  trades  no  such  tendency  is  seen,  or  even 
desired.  The  engineers,  for  instance,  require  no  notice ; 
a  clause  in  the  Builders'  Agreements  for  1892,  and  again 
in  those  of  189G,  stipulates  for  only  one  hour's  notice  on 
either  side ;  and  so  with  the  boiler-makers,  who  summarily 
leave  or  are  discharged.  Even  among  female  shop-assistants, 
while  in  a  few  shops  a  week's,  and  in  some  a  month's,  notice 
is  given,  the  ordinary  rule  is  summary  dismissal  without 
any  claim  to  wages  by  way  of  compensation. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  so  loose  an  attachment 
of  the  individual  to  the  employer  makes  for  discontinuous 
employment  even  though,  as  in  the  case  of  the  operative 
builders,  it  may  conform  to  the  general  conditions  of  his 
trade,  or,  as  in  the  case  of  the  boiler-makers,  may  conduce 
to  a  maximum  of  personal  independence.  The  position 
of  these  Ishmaels  of  the  industrial  world  contrasts  strongly 
with  that  of  the  clerk  of  a  first-class  bank,  for  whom 
everything  is  arranged  so  that  when  once  admission 
has  been  secured  his  permanent  services  may  be 
retained  ;  or  with  that  of  many  members  of  the 
Civil  Service,  whose  appointment  is  practically  for  the 
working  life. 

The  conditions  as  regards  terms  of  notice  under  which 
many  men  and  women  are  employed  go  far  to  justify  the 
opinion  that  certainty  of  work  is  even  a  greater  need  than 
higher  pay  ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  say  at  what  point  the  sense 
of  personal  independence  and  of  personal  responsibility  can 
be  best  combined  with  fixity  of  industrial  tenure. 

In  many  directions  something  may  be  done  to  mitigate 
the  evils  arising  from  irregularity  of  employment;  as  by 
making  ''  for  stock  "  during  dull  times,  or  by  arranging  to 
move  men  from  department  to  department  as  required. 
These  remedies,  however,  are  not  equally  available  in  all 
trades.  Cork  cutters,  billiard  table  makers,  and  soap  boilers 
V  17  * 


260  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIOXS. 

are  instances  of  those  who  can  follow  the  practice  of  making 
for  stock,  because  what  they  produce  is  always  the  same  and 
alwavs  wanted,  and  to  maintain  a  comparatively  uniform 
output  is  a  profitable  use  of  capital.  But  this  is  not  possible 
when  manufacture  must  wait  for  orders  before  it  can  act,  as 
when  fashion  dictates  what  the  next  shape  shall  be,  or  in 
many  other  cases  where  production  cannot  safely  forestall 
demand.  Nor  is  it  always  possible  to  transfer  workers  from 
one  task  to  another.  Girls  cannot  do  the  work  of  men,  nor 
are  skilled  and  unskilled  men  interchangeable.  Nevei-- 
theless,  it  seems  that  more  could  often  bo  done  in  both 
directions  to  make  employment  more  regular,  or  to  apportion 
it  more  evenly. 

The  practice  of  employers  at  times  of  unavoidable  slack- 
ness naturally  varies.  In  some  cases  the  indivisible  char- 
acter of  the  work  renders  any  reduction  in  the  amount  of 
labour  impossible,  except  by  dismissing  some  of  those 
employed,  but  when  work  can  be  divided  the  policy 
pursued  becomes  a  matter  of  choice,  and  the  considerateness 
of  the  master  is  then  an  important  factor.  The  men  may 
be  put  on  piece  instead  of  day  work,  so  that  each  has 
a  share,  or  all  may  work  short  time,  and  there  are  cases 
when  the  men  themselves  take  the  initiative  and  insist  on 
short  time  for  all  as  against  the  dismissal  of  some. 

Sometimes  the  difficulty  is  solved  on  the  side  of  the 
operative  by  recourse  to  an  alternative  employment.  This 
is  most  practicable  for  the  least  specialized  labour,  but 
among  skilled  men  also  such  a  change  is  not  infrequently 
made,  as  for  instance  from  pianoforte  making  to  cabinet 
making,  from  pattern  making  to  carpentering,  from  clock- 
making  to  gas  meter  and  automatic  machine  making ; 
from  scientific  instrument  making  to  electrical  work,  or 
from  military  harness  making  to  boot-making.  In  these 
cases  the  temporary  change  is  to  a  trade  demanding  less 
skill.  The  opposite  step  cannot  be  taken.  In  skilled 
trades,  however,  the  pursuit  of  an  alternative  employment, 


IltjREGULARITY  OF  EAENINGS.  201 

as  already  stated,  is  steadily  becoming  more  difficult  owing 
to  the  stricter  demarcation  of  the  recognized  spheres  of 
work. 

In  some  occupations  there  is  a  recognized  movement 
according  to  the  seasons,  as  from  gasworks  in  winter  to 
the  building  trades  in  spring  and  summer,  and  with  fore- 
thouo-ht  and  consideration  much  can  be  done  to  use  more 
fully  the  opportunities  offered  by  these  alternating  sources 
of  demand. 

Lastly,  there  are  various  ways  in  which  the  private  con- 
sumer can  increase  the  regularity  of  employment.  He  on 
his  side,  if  he  will,  can  do  much  to  diminish  the  periodical 
pressure  that  comes  from  the  rush  of  seasonal  orders,  with 
their  attendant  evils  of  long  hours,  hurried  work,  and  over- 
crowded work-rooms.  General  rules  are  said  to  disregard 
very  small  considerations,  but  in  industrial  relationships 
nothing  is  unimportant.  It  is  just  the  apparently  small 
things,  when  done  by  lai'ge  numbers  of  people,  that 
become  material  causes  of  disturbance  or  the  reverse. 

Remedies  for  irregularity  of  employment,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  are,  to  some  extent,  double-edged.  The 
result  of  every  improvement  is  to  reduce  the  total  number 
of  workers  needed  to  accomplish  a  certain  amount  of  Avork, 
and  the  immediate  advantage  thus  lies  with  the  more 
competent  men,  who  secure  more  than  their  previous  share, 
while  a  proportion  of  the  less  competent  obtain  less,  or 
perhaps  have  none  at  all.  The  road  is  hard,  but  it  is  the 
only  one  to  a  better  state  of  things. 

It  is  in  such  ways  as  those  enumerated  that  the  regularity 
or  irregularity  of  employment  is  affected  by  personal 
qualities  and  social  conveniences,  by  trade  conventions, 
business  considerations  and  natural  forces.  They  make  a 
part  of  that  maze  of  influences  in  subordination  to  which 
men  work.  The  individual  for  the  most  part  pursues 
his  task  unconscious  of  the  interacting  forces  which  play 


202  SVnVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

around  liini.  At  times,  wlien  some  powei'ful  influence 
causes  unusual  dislocation,  his  attention  may  be  arrested. 
But  as  a  rule  the  threads  of  causation  are  never  traced.  The 
Avoof  is  too  tangled.  The  majority  are,  however,  saved  and 
sustained  by  a  more  or  less  persistent  and  reasonable  self- 
regard,  and  by  this  self-regard  mainly  is  order  preserved 
and  progress  made  amid  the  apparent  chaos. 

But,  meanwhile,  the  uncertainty  and  irregularity  of  their 
industrial  position  lead  to  the  personal  degradation  of 
large  numbers.  For  them  change  and  uncertainty  have 
no  stimulating  force.  They  tend  to  fall  alike  in  the 
industrial  and  the  social  scale,  and  although  several  of  the 
influences  that  have  been  considered  are  signs,  and  even 
conditions,  of  a  general  progress,  they  make  also  for 
greater  industrial  stress  and  in  many  cases  seem  but  to 
stereotype  poverty. 


CHAPTER  X. 

RATES   OF   WAGES. 


The  subjects  -with  whicli  we  are  dealing  overlap  to  a 
considerable  extent,  and  with  eacli  successive  chapter 
there  is  increased  danger  of  repetition.  Thus,  the  charac- 
teristics of  modern  industry  in  general  do  not  differ  greatly 
from  those  prevailing  in  London,  and  consist  for  the  most 
part  of  the  facts  as  to  localization,  business  structure,  train- 
ing and  organization  of  the  workers,  hours  of  labour  and 
methods  of  remuneration,  whicli  have  been  treated  in 
separate  chapters.  Nor  is  this  all,  for  each  particular 
subject  involves  some,  if  not  all,  the  others.  Neither  trade 
unionism  nor  localization  can  be  considered  apart  from 
business  methods,  working  hours  and  rates  of  pay;  nor 
remuneration  apart  from  regularity  of  work,  the  chances 
of  employment  and  standard  of  life.  Nevertheless,  each 
of  these  subjects,  under  certain  aspects,  claims  distinct 
treatment. 

As  to  remuneration,  the  most  salient  and  remarkable 
fact  is  its  variation  in  amount.  There  would  seem  to  be  no 
standard,  and  the  laws  by  which  wages  are  governed  are 
difficult  to  trace.  The  variation  is  noticeable  not  only,  or 
even  particularly,  between  trade  and  trade.  It  is  found 
just  as  much  between  man  and  man  within  the  limits  of 
the  same  trade  ;  and  applies  also,  though  not  so  constantly, 
to  different  periods  of  the  year  with  the  same  men.  It  affects 
rates  of  pay  no  less  than  results  in  income ;  it  applies  to 
women  as  well  as  to  men,  and  to  young  as  well  as  to  old. 

Take  any  of  our  tables  of  weekly  earnings  in  any  trade, 
and  it  will  be  seen  that  the  range  is  from  below  20^^  to 


2G4 


SVnVEY  AND   CO^'CLUSIONS. 


45s  and  upwards.  Between  these  extremes — between  20s, 
whicli  is  never  the  bottom,  and  45s,  which  is  seldom,  the 
top — there  is,  probably,  a  concentration  at  some  particular 
point  indicating  a  standard  rate;  or  there  may  be  two 
such  points  of  convergence,  the  one  for  the  men  with, 
and  the  other  for  those  without,  some  special  skill.  But 
this  concentration  very  rarely  affects  as  many  as  one-third 
of  the  total  numbers  employed.  Moreover,  the  amounts, 
quoted  for  convenience  sake  in  groups  —  25s  to  30s, 
30s  to  35s,  and  so  on — really  vary  shilling  by  shilling, 
and  except  for  such  concentration  as  has  been  mentioned 
and  an  occasional  preference  for  round  figures,  show  an 
almost  unbroken  range,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  examples 
given  below  : — 


Wages  returns  {men). — Shilling  variations  in  ueeJcly 
earnings  in  selected  Trades. 


Weekly  rate. 

Coopers. 

Engineers. 
&c. 

Printers. 

Millers. 

Carmen. 

Total. 

Under  20s 

13 

5 

3 

3 

2 

3 

25 

19 

20 

15 

2 

25 

1 

14 

10 

4 

33 

7 

24 

5 

2 

9 

68 

321 
169 
187 
133 

92 
360 
164 
148 
231 
131 

90 
316 

62 

85 
253 
109 
234 
282 

80 

612 

198 

339 

1431 

128 
115 
33 
29 
31 
37 
59 
(•)4 
68 
48 
28 
93 
28 
53 
31 
51 
06 
56 
53 
404 
37 
184 
740 

108 
31 
59 
68 
45 

111 
73 
48 
42 
44 
27 
67 
7 
13 
10 
2 

38 
23 
3 
4 
13 
19 
54 

40 
29 
42 
15 
20 
159 
71 
75 
67 
63 
88 
77 
15 
51 
20 
13 
17 

m 

6 

32 

2 

17 
119 

610 

20s 

340 

21s 

324 

22« 

248 

23a- 

190 

24s 

670 

25s 

392 

26s 

354 

27s 

428 

28s 

301 

29s 

235 

30s 

578 

31s 

113 

32s 

216 

33s 

324 

34s 

179 

35s 

•iiCs 

388 
391 

37s 

166 

38s 

1057 

39s 

252 

40s 

568 

Over  40s    

2412 

Total 

312 

0027 

2436 

909 

1061 

!  10,745 

1 

— r— /.—jf/u. — 

HATES   OF   WAGES.  205 

In  our  tables  we  deal  with  actual  earnings,  and  not  with 
rates  of  pay,  but  the  Board  of  Trade,  in  1 886,  adopted 
a  different  plan  ;  their  calculation  was  based  on  "  a  full 
week's  work,"  and  except  in  some  specially  constituted 
trades,  the  range  is  hardly  less  noticeable. 

What  is  the  explanation  ?  Why  is  one  man  paid  much 
and  another  little  ?  What  are  the  dominating  influences 
at  work  ? 

There  are  two  influences  that  make  for  variety — oppor- 
tunity and  capacity.  The  one  may  vary  as  much  as  the  other, 
but  the  two  are  so  closely  interwoven  that  they  may  hardly  be 
disentangled  even  although  in  themselves  they  involve  alto- 
gether different  ideas.  A  chance  advantage  may  determine 
on  whom  a  lot  will  fall,  but  the  capacity  to  make  the  most 
of  opportunities  that  offer,  goes  much  further  in  explaining 
the  differences  that  prevail.  There  are  also  two  influences 
which  make  for  uniformity — the  one,  combination  among 
the  workers ;  and  the  other,  customary  usage  and  the 
standard  of  life.  Whatever  value  may  be  given  to  these, 
they  clearly  cannot  be  the  controlling  agencies.  On  the 
contrary,  they  are  themselves  over-ruled;  and  the  greater 
their  strength,  so  much  the  more  overwhelmingly  strong 
must  be  the  influences  they  fail  to  counteract.  To  say  this 
is  not  to  undervalue  them,  for  though  the  standard  of 
existence  can  do  nothing  to  equalize  earnings,  it  may  set 
the  tone  from  top  to  bottom ;  while  combination  may 
assist  large  bodies  of  men  to"  mount  the  stairs  of  life  or  to 
hold  on  to  whatever  level  they  are  able  to  reach.  Still,  we 
are  finally  thrown  back  on  the  individual  elements  in  the 
wage  problem.    Men  are  various,  and  so  are  their  earnings. 

If  the  graduated  scale  of  remuneration  to  be  found  within 
the  borders  of  each  trade  is  mainly  due  to  differences  in 
the  efficiency  of  individual  workers ;  the  wide  variation 
between  trade  and  trade  is  to  be  explained  by  the  nature  of 
the  services  demanded  or  by  the  conditions  under  which  the 
work  is  done.    A  trade  may  involve  risk  to  body  or  health ; 


2C6  SUnVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

hours  may  be  long  or  employment  exceptionally  irresfular  ; 
there  may  be  special  expenses  or  special  perquisites ;  trade 
union  action  may  be  strong  or  weak;  the  employment 
may  have  the  character  of  a  monopoly  or  be  at  the  mercy 
of  competition  from  ''  residual  labour."  These  considera- 
tions explain  why  dockers  earn  less  than  stevedores,  and 
stevedores  than  shipwrights ;  why  the  ordinary  house 
]-»ainter  earns  less  than  the  joiner,  the  vellum  binder  than 
the  compositor,  the  cap-maker  than  the  silk-hat  maker; 
why  scaifolders  command  more  than  builders'  excavators, 
and  jewellers  than  clock-makers ;  and  why,  for  the  same 
period  of  work,  wood-choppers  earn  least  of  all. 

But  in  suggesting  the  possibility  of  explaining  to  some 
extent  the  position  of  this  or  that  class  of  men,  or  of  any 
individual,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  elements  of 
the  problem  are  fixed.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  essential  to 
emphasize  the  vast  social  importance  of  movement  and 
potential  change.  Fixity  of  condition  is  the  exception,  and 
possibilities  both  of  amelioration  and  degradation  are 
witnessed  on  evei'y  hand. 

Turning  now  to  the  actual  facts,  I  propose  to  state  in 
a  general  way,  what  wages  are  paid  for  each  class  of 
labour,  and  to  indicate  the  bases  of  the  bargain. 

I  take  21s  as  the  bottom  level  for  adult  male  labour  in 
London.  The  employments  in  which  less  than  21s  sx  week 
(or  ds  6d  a  day)  is  paid  are  exceptional  in  character. 
When  the  rate  is  18s  or  20s  the  work  is  not  only  charac- 
terized usually  by  great  regularity  and  constancy  with  no 
slack  seasons  or  lost  days,  but  is  generally  such  as  a  quite 
3'oung  or  quite  old  man  could  perform — men  who  probably 
have  only  themselves  to  keep.  It  is  work  which  demands 
but  little  experience  or  muscular  strength.  Thus,  many  mail- 
cart  drivers  and  a  considerable  number  of  one  horse  carmen 
are  paid  on  this  basis.  Railway  goods  porters  are  another 
instance,  but  these  men  are  transferred  from  one  part  of 


RATES   OF   WAGES.  2C>1 

England  to  another,  and  tlie  rates  paid  are  affected  by- 
other  than  London  conditions.  There  are  also  a  propor- 
tion of  18s  or  20s  men  amongst  the  unskilled  labourers 
employed  in  flour  mills,  rope  works,  &c.  Many  of  these, 
and  still  more  those  employed  in  market  gardening,  live  in 
the  outskirts  of  London  and  share,  more  or  less,  the  position 
of  country  labour. 

For  the  mail-cart  or  railway  work,  or  for  other  employ- 
ment of  like  kind,  a  young  man  may  perhaps  readily  accepfc 
the  remuneration  offered;  but  when  he  grows  older  and 
marries,  or  wishes  to  marry,  he  is  refused  the  rise  of  wages 
he  then  badly  needs.  The  employer  finds  no  additional 
value  in  his  services.  He  can  obtain  a  younger  man 
able  and  willing  to  do  the  same  work  at  the  same  pay, 
or  may  have  boys  working  for  him  for  whom  the  change 
would  be  a  fitting  promotion.  The  man  thus  has  no 
chance  of  a  rise.  He  is  perhaps  encoui-aged  to  look  else- 
where, but  allowed  to  stay  on  meanwhile ;  and  very  likely 
does  so  for  a  length  of  time,  rather  than  risk  the  loss  of 
a  certainty.  But  if  he  moves  he  demands  21s  in  his  new 
place  or  perhaps  more,  and  probably  gets  what  he  asks. 
In  this  sense  21s  may  be  taken  as  a  minimum. 

From  the  employers'  point  of  view  this  is  the  rate  at 
which  a  labouring  man,  without  any  special  skill  or 
aptitude,  can  be  hired  by  the  week  in  London.  But 
it  would  not  be  correct  to  say  that  men  of  this  description 
command  21s  a  week,  for  more  men  than  are  required 
are  always  glad  to  obtain  regular  work  at  these  wages. 
The  offer  of  less  money  would  be  refused,  but  on  this 
wage  the  occasional  loss  of  a  day  would  be  put  up  with. 
If  hired  for  temporary  work  by  the  day  such  a  man 
might  accept  3s  Qd,  though  he  would  try  for  4s.  If  hired 
by  the  hour,  he  would  not  be  content  with  less  than  5c?, 
and  might  possibly  be  paid  Qd. 

From  a  labourer  of  this  kind  little  is  expected.  In  some 
cases  honesty  is  especially  important,  in  other  cases  watch- 


2GS  SVnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

fulness,  sobriety  or  punctuality ;  in  some  a  tonch  of  intel- 
ligence is  requisite,  and  in  others  a  degree  of  strength. 
The  man  himself  may  perhaps  be  quite  unaware  of  what  it 
is  that  gives  him  his  value.  He  is  very  likely  too  ignorant 
to  comprehentl  exactly  the  place  he  fills.  On  the  other 
hand  he  knows  what  he  Avants,  and  will  stand  up  fiercely 
for  what  lie  considers  his  rights ;  and  unhesitatingly  throw 
up  his  work  if  these  are  infringed,  or  if  any  trial  pushes 
his  temper  very  far.  Such  men  must  be  treated  fairly  well, 
or,  however  great  the  chances  may  be  against  them  ia 
finding  another  place,  they  will  not  stay.  There  lies  in 
this  recklessness  a  measure  of  security;  every  master 
knows  it. 

More  than  21.9  will  always  be  paid  when  the  work 
demands  any  special  powers.  The  qualification  may  be 
very  slight,  but,  if  the  work  ceases  to  be  that  which  every 
man  can  perform,  an  extra  wage  is  paid;  and  if  his  services 
are  needed  at  all,  the  man  who  possesses  the  additional 
qualification  may  be  said  to  command  a  wage  of  22s,  23s  or 
24s.  But  his  chance  of  obtaining  work  of  the  kind  for 
which  he  possesses  special  aptitude,  may  perhaps  be  no 
better  than  that  which  the  man  who  is  only  worth  21s  has 
of  obtaining  such  work  as  he  can  do.  And  although  in 
case  of  need  the  man  with  some  special  aptitude  might 
undertake  ordinary  work  at  the  lower  price,  he  would  not 
be  preferred  for  it ;  indeed  he  might  not  possess  in  an 
equal  degree  some  moral  quality — such  as  punctuality  or 
sobriety — which  may  be  the  basis  of  the  21s  man's  value 
to  his  employer.  The  experience,  or  extra  strength,  or 
whatever  it  is  that  enables  a  man  to  earn  the  higher  pay, 
may  thus  be  of  no  value  except  under  special  circumstances. 

The  qualities  that  entitle  a  labourer  to  expect  a  few 
extra  shillings  a  week  are  very  various,  and  reach  upwai'd, 
till  they  may  enable  their  possessor  to  demand  as  much  as 
30.S'  a  week,  but  they  are  not  dignified  with  the  name  of 
"skill,"  and  their  possessor  is  still  classed  as  a  ''labouring 


HATES   OF  WAGES.  2G9 

man,"  Of  tucso  qualitius,  physical  strciif^Lli  is  the  most 
important,  and  comLined  with  some  knack  which  practice 
gives,  and  protected  perhaps  by  some  degree  of  monopoly, 
may  raise  the  possible  earnings  to  a  high  ligure — as  with 
coal-porters,  who  often  earn  considerably  more  than  l.v  an 
hour.  Such  cases  are  exceptional,  but  amongst  ordinary 
regular  labourers,  we  find  every  rate  of  wage  from  2 Is 
to  30s,  corresponding  to  every  degree  of  experience  and 
strength.  These  rates,  however,  do  not  depend  solely  on 
capacity,  but  are  modified  as  between  trade  and  trade,  or 
between  one  firm  and  another,  by  other  conditions  that 
obtain,  or  by  the  liberality  or  illiberality  on  the  rjuestion 
of  wages  of  particular  employers  in  their  policy  of 
management. 

The  number  of  men  in  London  w^'thin  this  ranore  of 
remuneration  is  very  great,  but  it  would  be  a  mistake  to 
regard  the  demand  for  such  labour  as  forming  one  market. 
Whatever  quality  differentiates  a  man  from  the  quite 
ordinary  labourer,  differentiates  him  also  from  all  whose 
special  gift  is  not  precisely  the  same  as  his,  and,  as  time 
goes  on,  and  as  the  special  qualities  are  strengthened,  this 
separation  widens.  The  initial  advantage,  for  instance, 
may  be  strength,  which  helps  a  man  in  almost  any 
direction — but  knack  must  be  added,  and  knack  applies  to 
some  particular  kind  of  work.  Or  it  may  be  teachableness 
that  is  the  first  requirement,  and  then  every  lesson  tends 
to  specialize.  Further,  as  men  become  specialists  they 
stiffen.  Once,  or  perhaps  twice,  they  may  be  able  to  adapt 
themselves  to  new  demands  on  brain  or  muscle,  but,  like 
wire,  they  suffer  from  much  bending,  and  finally  may 
break,  but  can  bend  no  more.  To  be  young  enough  is 
always  the  first  requisite  if  there  is  something  to  be  learnt, 
but  while  a  man  continues  at  the  work  to  which  brain  and 
muscle  are  accustomed,  his  services  may  be  increasingly 
valuable  for  many  years.  There  are  some  trades  in  which 
the  aptitude  of  even  a  very  old  man  is  not  lost.     If,  how- 


•270  SUIiVEY  AND   COXCLUSIONS. 

ever,  the  particular  work  should  fail  and  a  fresh  start  be 
necessary,  a  man  must  begin  again  at  the  bottom.  His 
special  acquired  yalue  is  gone,  and  if  he  is  old  he  may  even 
be  found  to  have  no  industrial  value  at  all. 

Most  labourers  are  paid  weekly,  but  the  day's  work  is 
usually  the  basis  of  remuneration,  and  very  many  of  those 
who  appear  amongst  the  poorly  paid  on  our  lists  have  not  had 
a  full  week's  work.  When  men  are  employed  permanently, 
the  weekly  wages  are  often  calculated  on  a-  rather  lower 
basis.  Payment  by  the  hour  is  not  usual  for  unskilled,  or 
semi-skilled,  specialized  labour,  but  when  paid  in  this  way, 
the  rate  is  commonly  6d. 

Skilled  work,  on  the  other  hand,  is  very  commonly  paid 
by  the  hour,  and  receives  from  8d  to  lOd  or  Is.  In  most  of 
the  skilled  trades  competent  steady  men  work  nearly  full 
time  on  the  average,  that  is,  overtime  and  short  time  about 
balance  each  other.  Full  time,  however,  varies  from  forty 
to  more  than  sixty  hours  per  week.  As  a  rule  the  higher 
the  rate  of  pay  the  shorter  the  day — forty  hours  at  Is  are 
equal  to  sixty  hours  at  8d — aud  40s  a  week  is,  in  effect, 
the  basis  of  remuneration  for  skilled  work  in  London,  men 
earning  a  little  more  or  a  little  less  than  this  according 
to  the  combination  they  may  make  of  rates  and  hours 
within  the  limits  given  above. 

Payment  by  time  or  by  piece  does  not  greatly  affect  the 
remuneration.  By  making  special  exertion,  those  on  piece- 
work can  earn  more  in  an  hour  than  they  would  be  paid 
on  time,  and  with  men  who  are  exceptionally  energetic, 
persevering,  and  strong,  the  advantage  may  be  maintained  ; 
but  others  pull  down  the  average,  and  thus  with  piece- 
workers, even  more  than  with  time-workers,  we  have  every 
grade  of  income  between  our  extremes  of  "under  20s,"  and 
"  4o.sf  and  upwards." 

The  wages  of  boys  do  not  vary  much  between  trade  and 
trade,  and  the  difference  between  boy  and  boy  is  mostly 
a  question  of  age.     They  begin,  as  a  rule,  at  5s,  and  rise  a 


BATES   OF   WAGES.  271 

little  year  hy  year.  The  largest  proportion  receive  from 
6s  to  lOft'.  As  they  grow  to  manhood  their  earnings  (if  they 
remain  in  the  same  employment)  gradually  rise  towards  206*. 
From  choice  or  from  necessity  they  make  changes  very 
frequently,  and  often  do  not  lose  by  so  doing.  The 
qualifications  which  entitle  a  boy  to  his  wages  ai'e  usually 
not  very  great ;  mainly  readiness  to  do  as  he  is  told,  and, 
in  some  employments,  a  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing 
and  a  little  arithmetic. 

Women  who  work  regular  hours  for  wages  earn  from  10s 
to  20»  a  week,  and  the  earnings  of  gii-ls  may  be  put  at  5s  to 
15s,  but  our  statistics  do  not  separate  the  two,  and  some 
full-grown  girls  earn  nearly  women's  wages.  Except  for 
learners,  who  are  usually  paid  a  small  weekly  sum,  payment 
is  commonly  by  the  piece,  whenever  piece-work  is  practic- 
able at  all. 

Such,  in  general  outline,  is  the  range  of  remuneration 
in  London.  AVhat  has  been  written  in  previous  chapters 
shows  the  conditions  under  which  employment  offers  and 
earnings  are  made.  The  materials  at  our  disposal  are 
insufficient  for  such  a  tabulation  of  wages  generally  as  would 
show,  even  approximately,  the  proportions  at  each  rate,  but 
a  combination  of  our  schedules  of  earnings  may,  neverthe- 
less, be  of  some  value  if  the  conclusions  drawn  are  not 
pressed  too  far.  The  very  difficulties  we  meet  with  are 
themselves  suggestive.  If  we  attempt,  for  instance,  to 
indicate  the  rates  "recosrnized  and  current '^  in  London 
trades,  we  experience  the  same  difficulties  as  those  which 
have  been  encountered  by  the  County  Council  and  the 
School  Board  as  regards  the  men  employed  by  them 
directly  or  indirectly  on  woi-k  for  which  they  desired  to 
secure  the  payment  of  "  fair  wages." 

In  some  cases  a  trade  union  minimum  can  be 
given;  in  others  we  have  to  content  ourselves  with  wide 
extremes  j    and  in  others,  again,  we    can    only   make    an 


272  SUFiVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOyS. 

arbitrary  calculation  on  a  piece-work  basis.  ^Moreover,  in 
many  trades  there  are  so  many  subdivisions  or  particular 
branches  in  which  special  rates  are  paid,  as  to  make  a 
general  schedule  of  nominal  rates  valueless  witliout  much 
explanation  and  qualification. 

Nor  do  we  fare  much  better  if  we  base  our  inquiry  on 
actual  weekly  earnings,  and  attempt,  by  combining  our 
schedules,  to  show  average  results.  Each  of  these  schedules 
needs  to  be  taken  with  allowances  which,  though  noted  at  the 
time,  cannot  be  so  borne  in  mind  as  to  be  carried  forward 
into  a  general  statement  with  any  certainty  of  success. 

For  these  reasons  it  is  better  to  refer  the  student  back 
to  the  various  sections  dealing  with  wages  and  average 
earnings  in  the  four  preceding  volumes.  Nevertheless,  to 
the  general  reader  there  may  be  some  interest  in  a  state- 
ment of  the  facts  as  to  the  75,000  adult  male  wage-earners 
for  whom  we  have  particulars.  The  numbers  at  each  rate 
of  earnings  are  as  given  below,  the  result  being  that 
rather  more  than  half  are  returned  as  receiving  SOs  a  week 
or  more  : — 


Under  20s.  20s— 25s.    25s— 30s.    30s— 35s.    35s— 40s.    40s— 45s.    Over  45s.     Total. 
38CG       13,108      17,078     16,818      11,594      6-568        6044     75,076 
Percent.    5  17*  23  22h  15  9  8  100 


45r/o  54^7, 

Those  who  have  read  the  preceding  volumes  will  remem- 
ber— and  the  fact  is  dwelt  upon  in  the  first  part  of  the 
present  volume  —  that  from  these  rates  deductions  must 
be  made  for  trade  expenses,  and  that  the  figures  do  not 
sufficiently  allow  for  irregularity  of  employment  and  loss  of 
time.  The  wages  here  shown  are  therefore  a  little  too  high, 
and  it  is  probable,  also,  that  the  men  included  are  some- 
what too  favourable  a  sample  of  the  whole  industrial 
population  of  London.  A  correction  of  these  errors  would 
modify  the  results  to  some  extent.    The  proportions  of  those 


RATES   OF  WAGES.  273 

wlio  earn  40^  to  45.Sj  and  over  456",  would  be  less  tlian  9  and 
8  per  cent,  respectively,  and  that  of  those  who  earn  less 
than  2O5  would  be  more  than  5  per  cent.  The  number  of 
those  who  earn  from  20s  to  2os  would  probably  be  at  least 
as  great  as  that  of  those  who  receive  from  25s  to  30s,  and 
the  classes  at  30.9  to  35s,  and  35s  to  40s,  would  be  pro- 
portionately reduced. 

Fifty-five  of  the  sections  into  which  I  have  di\ided  the 
total  population  are  represented  in  the  above  statement. 
In  twenty-eight  of  these  the  great  majority  are  earning 
30s  or  more,  as  follows  : — 

Jewellers  with  84  per  cent,  at  30s  (or  more)  out  of  412  scheduled 

Scientific  inst.  makers ..  ,,  75  ,,  ,,  ,,  830  „ 

Shipwrights  „  75  „  „  „  140 

Printers  „  74  „  „  „  2164 

Omnibus  service,  &c....  ,,  74  „  ,,  ,,  1979  ,, 

Coal-porters ,  72  „  „  „  958  „ 

Bookbinders ,,  72  ,,  ,,  ,,  781  „ 

Engine  drivers,  &c ,,  70  ,,  „  „  690  ,, 

Cabinet-makers   ,,  70  ,,  ,,  ,,  591  ,, 

Musical  inst.  makers  ...  „  69  ,,  ,,  ,,  308  ,, 

Coopers ,,  69  ,,  „  „  367  ,, 

Gasworkers „  03  ,,  „  „  7420  „ 

Saddlers    ,,  68  „  „  „  207 

Glass  &  E'ware  workers  ,,  68  ,,  ,,  ,,  743  ,, 

Hatters „  07  „  „  „  208 

Brushmakers   „  06  „  „  ,,  439  „ 

Police    „  65  „  „  „  16,084 

Watch  and  clockmakers  ,,  63  ,,  ,,  „  147  „ 

Chemical  workers    ,,  63  „  „  „  403  ,, 

Stationers ,  62  „  „  „  263  „ 

Building  trades  (8  sec- 
tions)       „  60  „  „  „  5907 

Total 41,041 

If  arranged  in  an  order  based  on  the  proportion  who  earn 
35s  or  more,  jewellers  still  lead,  but  printers  take  the  second 
place,  and  hatters  come  third  instead  of  fifteenth  as  on  the 
above  list.  On  the  other  hand,  bookbinders  stand  twenty- 
sixth,  dropping  out  of  this  list  altogethei*,  and  the  police, 
V  18 


274 


SVnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 


whcse  wages  rarely  rise  above  obs,  fall  still  lower ;  otlier- 
wise  the  order  is  not  greatly  different. 

Next  we  have  sixteen  sections  in  which  there  are  from 
00  per  cent,  to  40  per  cent.,  or  on  the  average  one-half,  who 
receive  30s  or  more.     These  sections  are  as  follows  : — 

Taper  manufacture    ...  with  58  per  cent,  at  30s  (or  more)  out  of  270  scheduled 

Metal  workers  (not  iron 

1402 
C65 
399 


or  stool) 

i» 

57 

Leather  trades     

5() 

Booksellers  i^-  newsagents 

„ 

51 

Iron   and  steel  workers 

(3  sections)    

>» 

51        , 

Trimming   makers,  do. 

»» 

50 

Carriage  builders     

Tl 

49        , 

Dress  &  mantles  (men) 

JJ 

45         „ 

Silk  and  woollen 

,, 

44 

Soap  &  candle  manuf. 

JJ 

43         „ 

Bakers  A  confectioners 

»» 

42 

India-rubber  workers  ... 

yi 

41 

Dyers  and  cleaners 

») 

40 

Butchers,  &c 

)) 

40 

13,203 

170 

685 

CO 

90 

1270 

431 

518 

114 

223 


Total 19,500 


On  this  list  the  adoption  of  o5,s  as  the  basis  in  place  of 
30s  makes  hardly  any  difference  in  the  order  shown. 

Finally,  there  are  eleven  sections  in  which  less  than  40 
per  cent,  of  those  scheduled  receive  30s  or  more  : — 

Grocers with  30  per  cent,  at  30s  (or  more)  out  of  770  scheduled 

W'house  iSc  messengers  ,,  34  ,,  ,,  „  970  „ 

Hemp  &  jute  workers...  ,,  28  ,,  ,,  ,,  134  „ 

Millers,  &c „  28  „  „  „  909 

Mineral  water  makers...  ,,  25  ,,  ,,  ,,  258  „ 

Brewers ,,  23  ,,  ,,  „  1502  „ 

General  labourers    ,,  22  ,,  ,,  „  2335  „ 

Carmen     ,,  20  „  „  „  2311  „ 

Railway  workers ,,  19  ,,  ,,  ,,  1241  „ 

Municipal  labour ,,  19  ,,  ,,  ,,  3914  „ 

Milk-sellers  „  10  „  „  ,,  179  „ 

Total 14,529 


I 


BATES   OF   WAGES.  275 

Anion  o-st  these  eleven  sections  there  is  comparatively 
little  variety  of  work,  and  with  most  the  pay,  though  not 
high,  is  secure. 

In  all  except  the  most  regular  employments  the  weekly 
earnings  given  in  the  preceding  statements  exaggerate  the 
proportion  receiving  more  than  30s,  but  they  nevertheless 
fall  considerably  below  the  nominal  rates  of  wages  in  many 
if  not  in  most  of  these  trades.  Nominal  rates  are  often  very 
misleading :  a  man  in  the  street  may  receive  6d  for  some 
small  service  which  does  not  occupy  him  as  many  minutes, 
yet  his  weekly  earnings  may  yield  less  than  a  penny  an 
hour.  This  is  an  extreme  case,  but  the  principle  goes 
far,  and  average  weekly  earnings  throughout  the  year, 
rather  than  the  nominal  rate  paid  for  a  single  week, 
determine  the  standard  of  life. 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  making  any  complete  table 
of  the  prevailing  rates  of  remuneration  apply  with  even 
greater  force  to  an  attempt  to  give  exact  particulars  of 
yearly  averages.  For  while  deductions  have  to  be  made 
for  fluctuations  of  trade  and  for  loss  of  work  through  ill- 
health  or  other  causes,  special  remuneration  for  special  work, 
or  for  overtime,  provide  additions  to  the  normal  rates  of 
pay.     The  net  results  are  therefore  difficult  to  gauge. 

The  figures  in  the  following  tables  are,  we  believe, 
approximately  true  for  the  average  men  of  the  trades 
mentioned,  but  they  are  inserted  rather  to  emphasize  the 
grave  importance  of  discriminating  between  rates  of  pay 
and  average  earnings,  than  as  giving  averages  that  can 
be  taken  as  strictly  accurate.  The  first  table  includes 
those  of  the  selected  trades  in  which  the  normal  conditions 
of  employment  are  regular,  and  in  which  the  difference 
between  rates  and  avei*ages  does  not  exceed  8  per  cent. : — 


18* 


27C 


SUIU'EY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 
NorviaUy  Regular  Occupations. 


Time- wot 

V. 

Piece- work. 

Occupation. 

Xonnal 

Estimated 

Percentage 

Normal 

Estimated  PercentaKe 

weekly 

weekly 

reduction 

weekly 

weekly 

reduction 

rate. 

avera>;e 

from 

earn- 

avera^'e 

from 

for  year.* 

normal. 

ings. 

for  year.  * 

normal. 

Engineers  (time-work).. 

38/- 

36/- 

5 

1 
Sec  irreg.  occupations. 

Zinc  workers    

38/- 
40/- 

36/- 
40/- 

5 

Surgical  instrmt.  mkrs. 





. 

Chemical  labourers 

32/- 

30/- 

0 

_ 

— 



Druggists,  manuf 

2.5/- 

23/- 

8 

— 





Floorcloth  labourers    ... 

21/- 

21/- 

. - 



. 

. 

Brewing,  Stagemen 

32/- 

31/6 

U 

— 

— 

._. 

„        Tunmen  

27/- 

26/- 

'4 

— 

— 

— 

„        Cellarmen    ... 

24/6 

23/6 

4 

— 

— 

— 

,,        Trouncers    ... 

— 

— 

— 

26/- 

24/6 

5i 

Carmen,  1  horse 

21/- 
24/- 
42/- 

21/- 
24/- 
39/- 
36/- 
29/- 
45/- 

,,         2  horse 

Omnibus  drivers 

7 



Tram          „         

38/6 
31/6 

45/- 

6i 

,,     conductoi's 

"2 

8 

Railway  Engine  drivers 







,,        Signalmen 

25/- 

25/- 

— 

— 

— 

— 

,,        Shunters    

21/- 

21/- 

— 

— 



— 

Porters  

20/- 
26/- 
30/- 
34/- 

20/- 

Postmen    

20/- 
30/- 
34/- 

_ 

Sorters  

Firemen  (Brigade)  

— 

— 



— 

Gardeners,  L.  C.  C 

2(;/3 

26/3 

— 

— 

— 



Police  Constables 

31/- 

31/- 









Dustmen  

26/- 
26/- 

26/- 
28/- 

+n 

— 

— 

Artificial  Teeth  Makers 

Newsagents      (Collectoi 

— 

— 

— 

and  Packer) 

27/- 
25/- 

27/- 
24/- 

Millers  (Flour) ... 

4 

— 

— 

— 

Total 

802/9 
29/8 

779/3 
28/10 

3  7o 

Average 

In  a  considerable  number  of  tbese  occupations,  especially 
among  the  lower  paid,  no  difference  between  rate  and 
average  exists.  In  one  case,  that  of  the  artificial  teetli 
makers,  the  average  even  exceeds  the  normal  rate,  since  in 
this  instance  regular  work  is  accompanied  by  six  hours 
estimated  average  of  overtime  per  week  throughout  the 
year.     Such    an     instance    of    excess   probably  does   not 

•  Including  overtime. 


EAIBS  OF  WAGES. 


277 


stand  alone  araong  tlio  Loudon  trades.  The  normally 
greater  irregularity  of  piece-work  is  illustrated  by  the 
fact  that  only  two  examples  of  occupations  in  which 
payment  is  made  on  this  basis  appear  in  this  list. 

In  the  seoud  table,  all  trades  have  been  included  in 
which  the  difference  between  the  weekly  rate  and  average 
earnings  of  time-workers  exceeds  8  per  cent.,  but  does  not 
exceed  20  per  cent.,  and  in  which,  for  piece-workers,  tho 
difference  is  between  8  and  25  per  cent.  The  average 
deviations  shown  are  14^  per  cent,  and  18  per  cent,  in  the 
two  divisions. 

Irregular  Occupations. 


Occupation. 


Bricklaj'ers  

Masons 

Carpenters  and  Joiners 

Painters  (regular  men).. 

Scaffolders    

Engineers  (piece-work). 

Leather,  Beammen 

,,         Shcdmen 

Tin-plate  workers,  East 
End   

Paint-brush  makers    . 

Compositors 

Litho  machine  minders 

Pill-posters  

T  Upholsterers    

French  polishers  (regu- 
lar men)    

Parge  builders 

Gold  beaters  (best  men 
only)  

Pianoforte  (back)  mkrs. 

Brewing,  Draymen  (1st 
class  only)    , 

Total 

Average..., 


Time-work. 


Normal 

weekly 

rate. 


38/-t 

38/-t 

38/-t 

34/- 

28/- 


Estimated  Percentage 


weekly 
average 
for  year.* 


31/6 
31/0 

32/8 
2'.)/- 
23/(5 


reflucti(ni 

fnjiii 
normal. 


17 
17 
1-4 
15 
IG 


See  normally  reg.  occupa, 


33/- 


38/- 
40/- 
28/- 
3G/- 

35/- 
40/G 


42G/6 
35/6^ 


27/- 


34/- 
32/- 
25/- 
32/- 

32/- 
35/- 


18 


lOi 
20  " 
lOi 
ll' 


365/2 
30/5 


14^  7o 


Piece-work. 


Normal  Estimated 
weekly  ]    weekly 
earn-   I    average 
in^is.      for  year.* 


Percentage 

reduction 

from 
normal. 


40/- 
35/- 


28/- 
45/- 
42/- 


30/- 
42/- 


30/- 
30/- 


21/- 

o8/- 
32/- 


2fi/- 
35/- 


43/-  I      38/- 


305/- 
38/1 


250/- 
31/3 


25 
14J 


15i 
231 


13;, 

1G| 

llrV 


18  7, 


Including  overtime. 


t  Raised  to  40/-  in  189G. 


273 


SUnVEY  JXD    CONCLUSIONS. 


The  tendency  towards  a  greater  deviation  in  the  piece- 
work trades  is  again  shown,  and  in  this  connection 
snggestive  comparisons  can  be  made  as  to  the  compositors 
and  the  engineers,  for  whom  weekly  rates  and  .yearly 
averages  are  given  under  both  methods  of  remuneration. 

In  the  last  table  certain  "very  irregular'^  occupations  have 
been  included,  in  which  the  deviation  of  rates  from 
averages  exceeds  20  and  25  per  cent,  in  the  two  classes 
respectively. 

Very  Irregular  Occupations. 


Tiiiie-worl 

>■ 

Picce-wurl 

V. 

Occupation. 

Xonnal 

weekly 

rate. 

Estimated 
Weekly 
average 

fur  year.* 

Percentage 
reduction 

from 
normal. 

Normal 
weekly 
earn- 
ings. 

Estimated 

week  ly 

average 

for  year.* 

Percentage 
reduction 

from 
normal. 

Coopers  (Dry)  

36/- 

Ml- 
39/- 
35/- 

27/- 

25/- 
25/- 
20/- 

25 

26 
36 
43 

37/~ 
45/- 
45/- 
35/- 

40/- 
30/- 
35/- 
30/- 

75/- 

27/- 
24/- 
15/- 
25/- 

28/- 
21/- 
25/- 
20/- 
40/- 

27 

Shipwi-ights 

Caulkers   

Goldsmiths!  Chainmkrs) 

Piano  polishers    

Brushmakers  (Fanners) 
Eu{?  weavers 

46i 

ml 

28| 

30 
30 

Trimming  weavers 

Mat  makers 

28^ 

33J; 

Slaufjhtermcn  

46i 

Bookbinders  (forw'ders) 
Gilders  

Fr'nch  polishers  (cas'al) 

— 

Total 

144/- 
3C/- 

97/- 
24/3 

32i  7o 

372/- 
41/4 

225/-    1    38  V. 

Average 

25/- 

In  some  instances,  as  in  these  of  French  polishers, 
goldsmiths,  and  slaughtermen,  the  deviations  are  due  to 
normally  recurring  influences,  while  in  those  of  dry  coopers, 
of  shipwrights  and  caulkers,  they  are  explained  by  the 
generally  weaker  position  of  these  trades. 

The  following  short  statement  shows  the  loss  of  time  and 
money  to  the  individual  wage-earner  that  is  represented 
by  the  averages  shown  in  the  three  preceding  tables : 

*  Including  overtime. 


HATES   OF  WAGES. 


270 


Showing  the  average  loss  of  time  and  wages  on  the  basis 
of  the  three  preceding  tables. 


Regular  Occupations. 

Time-work 

Piece-work 

Irregular  Occupations. 

Time-work 

Piece-work 

Very  Irregular  Occupations 

Time-work 

Piece-work 


Percentage  differ- 
ence between 
weekly  rate  and 
yearly  average. 


3 

5i 


14^ 
18 


321 

38" 


Equivalent  loss 
per  il  I  in  nnrnial 
rate  per  week. 


n 
1/1 


2/11 
3/7 


G/6 

7/7 


Approximately 

ciinivalent  loss  of 

working  weeks 

per  year. 


H 
3 


7J 


17 
19J 


Tlie  accompanying  chart  sliows  graphically  the  devia- 
tion in  certain  trades  of  the  rate  of  wages  from  the  stated 
average,  serving  to  illustrate  further  the  divergence 
between  nominal  and  actual  earnings.  The  extent  of  the 
difference  is  exhibited  iu  the  diagram  by  the  lighter 
shading.  The  narrowing  of  this  space  in  the  lower  paid 
trades  is  noticeable,  and  also  the  greater  discrepancy  shown 
when  piece-rates  are  paid. 

The  causes  of  the  discrepancy  between  rates  and 
averages,  shown  in  these  tables  and  in  the  chart,  have  been 
already  considered — generally,  in  the  chapter  on  irregu- 
larity of  earnings ;  and  more  specifically,  in  the  various 
sections  of  the  preceding  volumes.  It  is  necessary  here, 
however,  again  to  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  loss 
of  earnings  in  any  particular  trade  is  unequally  shared. 
The  average  for  any  occupation  would  no  doubt  apply 
pretty  closely  to  a  certain  proportion  of  the  rank  and  file  of 
its  workers,  but,  on  the  whole,  would  be  the  result  of  very 
unequal  sharing  between  the  more  and  the  less  competent 
of  the  workers.     AVhile  many  in  almost  every  trade  work 


*2so  srnvEY  and  coxclvsioxs. 

■with  practical!}"  no  loss  of  earnings,  and  some  do  so  even 
in  the  most  irreguhu*  and  uncertain  cniploymentSj  others 
are  habitual  halt-timers.  No  point  has  been  more  em- 
phatically emphasized  by  the  present  inquiry  than  the 
unequal  efficiency  of  the  members  of  any  industry,  and  the 
relatively  disadvantngcous  position  of  the  less  efficient. 
To  them,  competition  deals  out  stern  justice,  whatever  the 
cause  of  their  inefficiency  may  be. 

When  we  go  beyond  the  individual  wage-earner,  and 
endeavour  to  make  a  statement  of  the  combined  resources 
of  the  family,  the  difficulties  presented  are  considerably 
increased.  The  uncertainty  as  to  the  average  earnings  of 
the  individual  man  is  accentuated  by  the  further  unccr- 
taint}^  as  to  the  actual  composition  of  the  famil}^,  and 
as  to  the  wage-earning  powers  of  such  of  its  members 
as  may  be  included  among  "  others  occupied.'*  In  some 
cases,  moreover,  the  "family"  of  the  census  is  made  up  of 
quite  other  elements  than  those  of  parents  and  children, 
and  the  household  income  may  thus  be  a  very  complex 
affair;  it  may  include  contributions  not  only  from  the 
children,  or  the  wife,  but  also  from  more  distant  relatives, 
or  even  from  mere  lodgers. 

Our  only  positive  information  from  which  an  estimate  of 
family  income  can  be  made  concerns  the  earnings  of  the 
heads  of  families  themselves.  We  may,  however,  eke  this 
out  Avith  an  estimate  o£  what  the  supplementary  wage- 
earning  power  is  likely  to  be. 

Our  returns  of  the  weekly  earnings  of  about  17,000 
individual  women,  girls,  and  boys,  yield  a  combined  average 
of  about  9s  Gd  in  all  occupations.  From  this  amount  it  is 
necessary  to  make  a  deduction  I'or  loss  of  time,  and  though 
on  this  point  we  have  rather  little  to  guide  us,  we  may 
perhaps  accept  as  approximately  true  for  the  individual 
supplementary  wage-earner,  the  average  loss  of  time  for 
all  the  adult  male  workers  included  in  the  preceding  tables. 


RATES   OF  WAGES.  281 

This  averaj^e  loss^  estimated  by  grouping  together  the  whole 
of  the  trades  for  which  we  have  been  able  to  make  a  com- 
parison between  weekly  rates  and  yearly  earnings,  amounts 
to  between  1 1  and  12  per  cent.,  equivalent  to  nearly  six 
weeks  in  the  year,  and  would  reduce  the  9.s  6d  mentioned 
above  to  about  8s  6d.  It  is  possible  that  the  loss  by 
irregularity  of  employment  is  really  more  than  this,  but 
on  the  other  hand  a  good  deal  of  money  is  earned  by 
girls  and  young  Avomen  who  do  not  return  themselves  as 
following  any  regular  occupation,  and  this  amount  would 
be  extra.  We  may  therefore  be  nearly  right  if  we  take 
the  total  supplementary  earnings  as  equal  to  8s  6d  a  week 
for  each  other  occupied  person.* 

The  total  value  of  the  supplementary  earnings  will, 
however,  vary  from  gi^oup  to  group  according  to  tho 
average  composition  of  the  census  family — that  is,  accord- 
ing to  the  proportion  of  its  memV)ers  who  work.  Our 
analysis  has  shown  that  the  additional  wage-earners  range, 
for  all  trades,  from  a  minimum  of  '55  to  a  maximum  of 
2"  15  per  family,  and  for  those  included  in  the  following 
table  (being,  with  the  exception  of  the  piece-work  occupa- 
tions, the  trades  referred  to  in  the  chart  facing  page  878) 
the  variation  is  from  a  minimum  of  '62  in  the  cai^e  of  the 
police,  who  are  largely  composed  of  comparatively  young 
men  with  young  children,  to  a  maximum  of  1'12  in  the  case 
of  shipwrights  and  barge-builders,  among  whom  there  is  a 
preponderance  of  the  more  aged. 

In  allowing  for  this  variation  in  the  constitution  of  the 
census  families  we  are  able  by  using  the  table  given  in 
Part  I.,  chapter  IV.,  to  estimate  the  aggregate  family  wage- 
earning  power  in  the  scheduled  trades  ;  and  the  knowledge 


*  We  leave  out  of  consideration  the  wages  of  adults  who  are  not  heads  of 
families,  as  their  money  can  only  in  exceptional  cases  be  accounted  as 
family  income,  and  moreover  the  vast  majority  of  the  census  families  are  so 
in  the  ordinary  as  well  as  in  the  census  acceptance  of  the  term. 


282 


SVEVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 


we  possess  of  tlie  average  total  number  in  each  family 
makes  it  further  possible  to  calculate  the  income  available 
per  head. 

In  the  following  table  we  give  the  results  based  on  this 
calculation  : — 


Table  sJioiving  the  estimated  average  iveehly  earnings  of 
the  whole  family  in  selected  occupations,  and  the  share 
of  the  income  available  per  person. 


Occupation  of  the  head  of 
the  family. 


Barge-builders , 

Gilders  

Tram-drivers    

Engineers  (time) 

Zinc  workers    

Compositors  (time) 

Carpenters  and  joiners  .. 

Masons 

Upholsterers    

French  polishers  (regular 

French  polishers  (casual) 

Book-binders  (cloth  for- 
warders)     , 

Leather  workers  (shed 
men) 

Brewers  (stage  men)  ... 

Tram  conductors    

Police  constables 

Signalmen  (railway)   ... 

Millers  (flour)  

Brewers  (cellannen)    .... 

Shunters  (railway)  


Wages  of  the  head. 


Normal 

weekly 

rate. 


-I- 


Estiiiiatcd 
average 
for  the 
year.* 


40/6 
39/- 
38/6 
38/- 

38/- 
38/- 

38/-tl 

38/-t! 

36/- 

35/- 

35/- 

34/- 

33/- 
32/- 
31/6 
31/- 
25/- 
25/- 
24/6 
21/- 


35/- 
25/- 
36/- 
36/- 
36/- 
34/- 
32/8 
31/6 
32/- 
32/- 
20/- 

25/- 

27/- 
31/6 
29/- 
31/- 
25/- 
24/- 
23/6 
21/- 


Estimated 

supple- 

niciitary 

earuings. 


Estimated 

earnings 

(whole 

family).* 


9/6 
8/9 
6/10 

7/6 

7/7 

7/7 

7/11 

8/4 

8/9 

8/9 

8/9 

8/11 

8/10 

7/6 

6/10 

5/4 

7/4 

7/10 

7/6 

7/4 


44/6 

33/9 

42/10 

43/6 

43/7 

41/7 

40/7 

39/10 

40/9 

40/9 

28/9 

33/11 

35/10 

39/- 

35/10 

36/4 

32/4 

31/10 

31/- 

28/4 


Average 
size  of 
family. 


Earn- 
ings 
avail- 
able per 
week 
per 
unit. 


4-84 
4-67 
4-41 
4-62 
4-68 
4-52 
4-64 
4-82 
467 
4-67 
4-67 

4-41 

4-73 
4-60 
4-41 
4-58 
4-59 
4-62 
4-60 
4-59 


9/2 

9/8i 
9/3" 
9/3f 

9/2^ 

8/11 

8/3 

8/8i 

8/8J 

6/lJ 

7/9 

7/7 

8/5i 

B/lOi 

7/0^ 
6/lOi 
6/8i 
6/2 


These  figures  muse  be  regarded  merely  as  a  statement  of 
probabilities.  It  is,  indeed,  sufficiently  certain  that  the 
aggregate  income  of  the  average  family  will  approximate  to 
the  amounts  mentioned,  but  it  is  only  in  this  way  that  the 


*  Including  overtime. 


t  Raised  to  40/-  in  1896. 


RATES   OF   WAGES.  283 

figures  can  be  used.  Any  individual  family  may  be  com- 
posed of  a  much  stronger  or  of  a  much  weaker  group  of 
wage-earners  than  would  yield  the  results  showa  in  the 
table.  But  any  exaggerated  deviation  in  this  or  that 
direction  need  not  be  considered.  It  is  neither  by  the 
more  than  usually  well-to-do-family,  nor  by  those  whoso 
position  is  one  of  more  than  average  hardship,  that  the 
true  conditions  of  industrial  life  are  to  be  measured,  and 
the  statistical  basis  of  the  table  justifies  the  assumption 
that  the  figures  given  in  it  indicate  truly  the  points  on 
which  earnings  converge — indicate,  that  is  to  say,  the 
most  common  lob  in  the  trades  referred  to. 

The  actual  industrial  position  of  the  most  degraded  is 
left  to  a  great  extent  undetermined,  for  it  is  not  shown  by 
the  tabulation  of  earnings,  nor  indicated  by  the  most  apt 
study  of  economic  causes.  We  have,  therefore,  to  fall 
back  on  such  general  knowledge  as  we  possess  on  this 
subject,  and  from  that  point  of  view  much  has  already  been 
said. 

In  considering  the  apportionment  of  responsibility  for 
their  wretched  lot,  the  observer  may  lean  this  way  or  that. 
If  he  dwells  on  the  forces  bearing  on  the  individual,  and, 
from  his  lifelong  surroundings  social  and  industrial,  quite 
beyond  his  control,  he  may  be  biassed  in  favour  of  a  theory 
of  personal  irresponsibility.  But  place  before  him  any  single 
act  of  x'ecklessness  or  depravity,  and  the  theory  crumbles 
away ;  no  one  ever  can  or  does  act  upon  it. 

We  ai-e  on  the  horns  of  a  dilemma. 

We  ask  some  man,  who  seems  to  have  fallen  by  the  way, 
why  he  is  thus  overthrown,  why  he  is  lazy  or  drunken, 
why  he  knows  no  trade,  why  he  is  content  to  work 
irregularly  or  for  a  pittance  wage  ?  why  his  home  is  poor, 
and  his  wife  and  children  not  cared  for  ?  He  may  be 
without  excuse,  and  the  moral  decadence  of  his  own  life 
stand  out  clearly  as  the  chief  explanation  of  the  poor  part 


2S4  SUPiVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

lie  plays.  Yet  we  pause.  We  tliiuk  for  liim,  and  cannot 
but  consider:  "what  of  liis  childhood,  of  his  early  home,  of 
his  education,  of  his  chances  of  learning  thoroughly  some 
well-chosen  trade  ?  And  what,  too,  of  the  care  shown  him 
in  the  years  of  his  youth  and  early  manhood  ?  Or,  looking 
still  further  back,  we  seek  to  interpret  his  life  in  the 
longer  retrospect  of  history.  Thus  a  sense  of  a  wide 
responsibility  is  realized — if  we  do  not  begin  with  it,  wo 
end  with  it — and  sympathy  tempers  the  apparently  sure 
verdict  of  justice,  even  though  it  be  recognized  that  action 
may,  if  it  soften  the  eflect  of  disasters,  fail  to  check 
their  cause. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE   CHOICE   OF   EMPLOYMENT. 


For  tliG  groat  majority  of  men  and  boys  the  selection  of 
an  occupation  may  seem  to  be  determined  by  adventitious 
circumstances.  Yet  there  are  many  points,  beyond  such 
personal  questions  as  temperament,  physique,  intelligence, 
and  education,  which  call  for  consideration  by  any  person 
in  search  of  employment,  either  for  himself  or  for  another, 
which,  though  they  may  not  be  deliberately  passed  under 
review,  do  exercise  a  certain  influence. 

No  doubt  the  question  of  remuneration  underlies  all. 
The  wages  will  be  compared  with  the  hours  worked,  the 
chances  of  obtaining  regular  employment  weighed,  together 
with  the  opportunities  of  advancement.  Consideration 
must  be  given  to  the  extent  to  which  a  trade  is  open  to 
disturbing  forces,  such  as  the  competition  of  female  labour, 
or  the  introduction  of  machinery,  or  the  more  subtle 
influences  affecting  regularity  enumerated  in  a  preceding- 
chapter,  while  the  character  and  measure  of  organization 
will  need  to  be  carefully  considered  in  judging  as  to 
the  chances  of  employment  and  good  pay  that  a  trade  may 
seem  to  offer.  Further,  the  probability  of  increasing  or 
decreasing  demand  for  the  products  of  the  trade,  or  for 
the  services  rendered,  will  need  to  be  borne  in  mind.  It 
is  to  be  noted  that  the  prospects  of  employment,  even  in 
new  and  flourishing  industries,  are  afi'ected  in  a  three-fold 
fashion  by  the  opportunities  offered,  the  qualities  required, 
and  the  numbers  attracted.  A  trade  opening  up  a  new 
field  is  often  quickly  overrun,  and  a  vigorous  immediate 
demand  for  labour,  especially  if  the  skill  required  be  not 
great,  may  be  an  actual  cause  of  downfall  for  the  wage- 
earner  ;  whereas  some  little  known  or  even  declining  trade 
may  be   safeguarded   by  its   apparently  weaker  position  ; 


2SG  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

since,  on  account  of  its  bad  name  or  inconspicuous  characteT, 
new  members  are  rarely  attracted  to  it;  and  the  existing 
members,  like  Brer  Eabbit,  will  "  lay  low  and  say  nuffin/' 

Altlioiigli  the  various  forces  of  competition  allow  few 
trades  to  remain  close  corporations,  yet  some  elements  of 
exclusiveucss  are  often  found,  helped  by  organization  or 
tradition,  or  resting  simply  on  the  measure  of  skill  required. 
To  those  within  the  trade,  or  with  access  to  it,  such 
restrictions  are  a  source  of  strength ;  to  those  outside,  of 
difliculty.  On  the  other  hand,  the  easier  the  ingress,  the 
more  likely,  if  no  great  skill  be  demanded,  is  it  that  an 
industry  will  be  honeycombed  by  the  abuses  of  sweating. 
But  if  the  exclusiveness  that  a  trade  possesses  be  due  to 
the  restrictive  effects  of  the  special  skill  demanded,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  take  into  account  the  possibilities  of  being 
properly  taught  in  London,  and  the  amount  of  time  and 
money  needed  in  order  to  acquire  the  skill. 

In  Ijalancing  advantages  it  will  surely  be  asked :  I& 
Sunday  or  night  work  involved ;  and,  if  so,  does  the  rate 
of  pay  compensate  for  such  drawbacks  ?  Is  the  work 
dangerous,  or  unhealthy,  or  dirty  ?  Does  it  have  any 
physically  deteriorating  effects,  such  as  the  discoloration 
of  the  skin  or  the  formation  of  a  "  hummie  "  on  the  neck  ? 
Is  it  accounted  respectable  ?  Is  the  work  monotonous  or 
varied?  And,  if  free  from  such  objections  and  attractive, 
is  it  so  attractive  and  so  easily  mastered  as  to  draw  to  itself 
a  large  mass  of  competitors  ?  Many  of  these  points  will 
be  reflected  in  the  wages  paid,  and  all  are  closely  connected 
with  the  chances  of  obtaining  and  retaining  satisfactory 
employment. 

The  opportunities  of  advancement  to  be  considered  may 
take  the  shape  of  a  change  of  status,  as  to  that  of  foreman, 
or  of  higher  remuneration  following  upon  an  increasing 
mastery  of  the  trade  itself.  Or  it  may  be  that  opportuni- 
ties are  afforded  of  starting  "on  one's  own  account,^' but 
it  then  will  be,  or  ought  to  be   asked — especially  if  yuch 


THE   CHOICE   OF  EMPLOYMENT.  287 

cLancps  are  numerous — whether  the  risks  of  failure  are 
correspondingly  great;  for,  if  these  loom  large,  the 
advantage  of  such  opportunities  may  be  only  nominal,  and 
in  any  case  it  will  be  necessary  to  weigh  the  conditions, 
whether  desirable  or  undesirable,  under  which  such 
a  commencement  is  made. 

It  may  also  be  asked  whether,  if  employment  fail,  there 
is  any  natural  transition  to  some  alternative  occupation  i!^ 
Will  the  work  he  undertakes  make  the  man  adaptable  or 
leave  him  in  a  groove  ?  Is  the  labour  so  specialized 
that  degradation  in  the  industrial  scale  is  inevitable  if  the 
particular  employment  be  lost  ? 

The  chances  of  supplementai-y  earnings,  either  in  the  shape 
of  perquisites  or  tips,  or  special  tasks  to  perform  must  also 
be  considered.  Does  the  craft  afford  opportunities,  as  with 
carpenters  and  watch-makers,  of  securing  extra  work  at 
home  either  from  neighbours  or  at  first  hand  in  other  ways? 

There  is  a  further  series  of  considerations  connected 
with  necessary  expenses.  In  a  city  where  rent,  always 
a  serious  item,  yet  varies  considerably  from  district  to 
district,  the  question  arises  whether  the  choice  of  locality 
for  the  home  is  disadvantageously  restricted.  For  instance, 
if  it  is  necessary  to  live  in  Central  London  a  much  higher 
rent  will  be  incurred  for  the  same  accommodation  than  by 
those  living  in  or  near  the  "  outer  ring,"  and  such  excess 
may  not  unreasonably  be  regarded  as  an  expense  of  the 
industry  itself.  Thei'e  are  other  outgoings  Avhich  evidently 
have  to  be  allowed  for.  Tools  have  to  be  provided,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  joiner,  the  carriage  builder,  or  the  pianoforte 
maker,  all  of  whom  must  have  a  rather  costly  outfit,  needing 
periodical  renewal;  or  a  cabman  has  to  find  ornaments  and 
accessories  to  make  his  cab  look  smart,  as  well  as  water- 
proof clothing,  rug,  and  whip.  In  many  other  cases  special 
articles  of  dress  have  to  be  provided.  With  messengers 
the  wear  and  tear  of  boots  is  a  consideration,  and  in  some 
instances,  as  with  shop  assistants  and  clerks,  the  standard 


2S8  SURVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

of  respectability  of  appearance  that  lias  to  be  maintained 
becomes  a  claim  of  this  description.  A  still  more  direct 
charge  upon  earnings  is  the  provision  that  the  workers  in 
some  trades  have  to  make  of  part  of  the  materials  used — 'Such 
as  thread,  or  paste — or  of  the  fuel  needed  for  heating  tools. 

In  Loudon,  travelling  is  a  tax  on  industry  of  no  little 
importance,  which  would  have  to  be  considered  in  con- 
nection with  rent.  It  presses  particularly  on  such  trades 
as  that  of  electrical  workers,  the  localitv  of  whose  task  is 
apt  constantly  to  shift ;  and  on  operative  builders,  for  whom 
both  employers  and  locality  are  continually  changing;  and 
on  those  whose  occupation  is  localized  in  a  district  in  which 
domestic  rents  are  almost  prohibitive,  as  in  the  case  of 
warehousemen  engaged  in  the  City. 

Finally,  ia  these  days  of  greater  stress  but  increasing 
leisure,  the  cjuestion  of  holidays  would  deserve  some 
notice.  It  is  true  that  for  many  wage-earners  slack  times 
provide  the  natural  holidays  of  the  year,  frequently 
extending  over  a  period  longer  than  is  desired.  But  in 
many  directions  the  holiday  question  is  important,  and  the 
answer  that  can  be  given  to  it  directly  aifects  the  measure 
of  attractiveness  possessed  by  any  trade.  The  municipal 
servant,  for  instance,  usually  secures  a  short  holiday  without 
loss  of  pay  ;  whereas  many  a  man  is  compelled  to  take 
a  somewhat  lengthy  one  in  the  slack  season,  and  receive 
the  while  no  wages.  The  ordinary  mechanic  in  regular 
employment  can  take  a  holiday  or  not,  according  to  his 
willingness  to  sacrifice  his  pay;  but  milk-carriers  can 
securj  no  relief  from  their  regularly-recurring  duties,  even 
on  Sundays  and  Christmas  Day. 

Tn  any  individual  case  it  rarely  happens  that  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  different  employments  are 
thus  deliberately  passed  in  review,  at  least  with  any  degree 
of  completeness.  The  economic  adjustment  which  takes 
place  is  due   to   a   much    more    unconscious  process.     At 


THE   CHOICE   OF  EMPLOYMENT.  289 

the  outset  of  the  working  life  a  hapliazard  start  is  often 
made,  even  when  the  need  for  money  at  home  affords  little 
excuse  for  it.  The  traditional  occupation  of  the  family  is 
preferred  because  it  is  best  known,  and  not  because  any 
comparison  with  others  has  been  made;  or  the  hint  of 
a  friend  may  be  acted  on  ;  or  the  knowledge  that  some 
neighbouring  employer  who  has  a  good  character  can 
take  a  lad ; — for  these  and  similar  reasons  the  first  steps 
are  taken.  But  the  boy,  however  his  start  may  have 
been  made,  gradually  forms  his  own  opinion,  and  opinion 
is  gradually  formed  about  him ;  he  discovers  his  particular 
preferences,  his  powers  or  his  weaknesses,  or  they  are 
discovered  for  him  ;  and  often  in  this  way,  even  though  no 
measure  of  forethought  has  been  exercised,  he  tends  to 
place  himself,  or  to  be  placed,  according  to  his  fitness. 
Again,  it  is  often  some  single  concrete  advantage  or  disad- 
vantage that  attracts  or  repels  the  individual  worker :  the 
previous  choice  of  some  young  friend,  and  the  fact  that 
his  companionship  can  be  secured  in  a  particular  work- 
shop, or  the  presence  of  a  good-natured  foreman,  may 
attract ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  a  dispute,  a  fine,  or  some 
irritating  regulation  may  repel,  and  help  to  divert  the 
individual  in  this  direction  or  in  that. 

It  may  seem,  therefore,  that  the  preceding  remarks 
have  been  somewhat  theoretic  in  character ;  no  boy,  how- 
ever thoughtful, — no  parents,  however  prudent  or  wise, — ■ 
could  possibly  weigh  all  the  considerations  mentioned. 
Indeed,  we  ourselves  have  only  fully  appreciated  them  at 
the  end,  and  as  the  result,  of  a  protracted  study  of  London 
trades.  But,  though  the  individual  often  seems  to  be  but 
the  creature  of  industrial  circumstance,  hasty  and  unthink- 
ing in  action,  undiscriminating  in  choice  (when  any  jDower 
of  choice  exists),  and  often  acting  under  the  pressure  of 
direct  personal  necessity,  in  the  mass  the  advantages 
and  disadvantages  of  particular  employments  tell.  Their 
variety  or  monotony,  their  scope  or  their  limitations,  their 
V  19 


•290  SUEVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

heultliiness  or  unliealtliiuess,  tlie  possibility  or  impossibility 
of  earning  wages  early  in  life,  and  all  the  varied  favour- 
able and  nnfiivonrable  conditions  that  make  up  their 
character — their  good  or  bad  reputation  in  the  working- 
class  mind — all  these  considerations  do  finally  direct  the 
flow  of  labour.  In  this  way  the  man  is  fitted  into  his 
]ilace,  work  is  found  which  he  can  do,  and  the  level  of 
remuneration  in  each  employment  is  gradually  determined. 

The  method  is  a  rude  one.  Real  capacity  often  remains 
unrecognised,  whilst  indifferent  merit  may  attain  to  an 
undeserved  position.  Happily,  the  structural  elements  of 
the  problem  are  constantly  changing.  Death  solves  some 
of  its  dilliculties,  but  it  is  also  attacked  in  other  ways. 
Every  rise  in  the  general  standard  of  life,  and  every 
expansion  of  the  demand  for  better  paid  and  less  dis- 
organized labour,  helps  in  the  solution  of  the  problem. 
Inferior  ill-paid  labour,  and  the  lower  classes  of  labour 
generally,  exist  mainly  because  in  comparison  with  other 
fields  of  employment  the  number  of  applicants  is  excessive. 
By  fitting  himself  for  more  useful  and  more  responsible 
work,  and  by  seeking  it  sedulously,  every  individual  may 
play  his  part  in  raising  the  standard;  and  may  rest 
assured  that  by  so  doing  he  will  increase  the  demand  for 
that  better  work  which  he  seeks  to  supply,  as  well  as 
decrease  the  supply  of  that  kind  of  labour  for  which  it  would 
be  well  there  should  be  no  demand.  Moreover,  there  is 
probably  no  field  of  honest  labour  needed  by  society  that 
would  not,  if  worked  with  a  sense  of  responsibility, 
become  satisfactory  in  itself,  both  socially  and  economically. 

The  unsatisfactory  nature  of  this  rough  process  of  adjust- 
ment is  being  continually  diminished  by  the  spread  of 
education.  The  elementary  school  is  a  great  leveller,  not 
by  any  means  in  the  sense  of  leading  to  a  uniformity  of 
capacity,  and  still  less  to  uniformity  in  the  distribution 
of  earnings,  but  in  the  sense  of  making  industrial  move- 
ment more  free.     We  obtain  some  indication  of  the  forces 


THE    CHOICE    OF  EMPLOYMEXT.  291 

that  arc  at  work  by  comparing  the  industrial  Enghind  of 
to-day  with  that  of  fifty  years  ago.  The  old  fixity  of 
condition  has  passed  away,  and  in  schools,  railways,  and 
industrial  development  we  find  the  main  explanations  of 
this  change.  The  colours,  formerly  constant,  now,  as  in 
a  kaleidoscope,  shift  and  change  and  int^erm ingle. 

It  is  the  young  who  are  most  mobile.  In  spite  of  all  the 
limiting  influences  of  ignorance,  indifference  and  poverty, 
there  is  among  the  vast  majority  of  parents,  and  among 
the  young  themselves,  a  great  amount  of  active  discrimina- 
tion and  shrewd  thinking,  tending  surely  to  fill  the  ranks 
of  the  expanding  and  to  deplete  those  of  the  contractin'>- 
trades,  whilst  maintaining  at  a  steady  level  those  of  the 
more  stable  occupations.  Some  may  take  the  wrong  tack, 
and  either  from  their  own  fault,  from  the  miscalculation 
of  others,  or  from  sheer  misfortune,  swell  the  lower  ranks 
of  labour  by  their  failure.  But  these  are  the  exceptions, 
and  not  so  numerous  as  fjhose  who  reach  their  "  White 
house  "  of  an  improved  position  in  life. 

The  rule  of  adjustment  is  not  broken  by  the  existence 
of  these  failures.  It  is  seldom  that  a  competent  and  steady 
man,  even  though  pulled  down  by  sickness,  is  found  in  the 
lowest  ranks  of  labour.  Those  who  are  forced  to  accept 
disadvantageous  employment  are  nearly  always  the  incap- 
able. At  times  of  exceptional  distress,  exceptional 
phenomena  may  be  witnessed,  and  examples  of  individual 
misplacement  do  occur;  but  in  the  main  the  truth  is 
forced  upon  us  that  there  is  an  approximately  true  relation 
between  the  men  and  the  work  they  obtain,  and  again 
between  the  work  done  and  its  comparative  remuneration. 

We  are  too  apt  to  regard  the  industrial  world  as  com- 
posed of  groups  uniformly  paid,  and  rigidly  fixed  as  to 
their  position.  We  see  the  picture  around  us — 'the  carman, 
the  bricklayer,  the  dock  labourer,  the  tram  conductor, 
the  painter,  the  sandwich  man — and  the  statical  aspects  of 
society,  and  the  forces  which  uphold  it,  come  uppermost 
V  19  * 


292  SVnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

in  our  minds.  But  when  we  endeavour  to  trace  the  road 
by  which  each  individual  has  travelled  or  is  travelling, 
the  dynamic  forces  at  work  are  impressed  upon  us.  To- 
gether with  the  permanence  of  the  industrial  type,  we 
become  conscious  of  the  incessant  change  that  is  taking 
place  in  the  conditions  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  in- 
dividual lives.  Kestlessness,  ambition,  ability,  folly; 
hesitancy,  indifference  or  dullness,  carry  men  along,  up  and 
down,  and  down  and  up  again,  in  the  industrial  as  in  the 
other  roads  of  life. 

Still  there  are  considerable  sections  of  the  population, 
and  even  of  the  younger  generation,  for  whom  little 
freedom  of  industrial  choice  can  be  claimed.  This  applies 
to  many  working  women  and  girls,  but  more  particularly 
to  the  boys  of  the  very  poor,  who  are  pitchforked  into 
working  life  with  a  more  than  usual  lack  of  care,  as  errand 
boys,  as  van  boys,  or  as  street-sellers.  An  idle  father  or 
an  empty  cupboard  leads  to  many  a  false  step  for  the 
children,  false  because  taken  either  too  soon  or  on  the 
wrong  road.  In  this  way  the  seed  is  sown  of  a  future  crop 
of  unemployed  adult  labour.  It  is  the  modern  version  of 
the  bygone  abuses  of  child-labour. 

"We  have  spoken  of  the  choice  of  employment  as  in 
theory  it  should  be,  and  as  in  fact  it  jB.nally  comes  to  be  in 
the  slow  grinding  mill  of  life ;  and  we  have  said  with  how 
little  prevision  the  first  steps  are  often  made.  Even  with 
kind  and  well-disposed  parents  there  is  a  natural  tempta- 
tion to  take  the  easiest  course,  and  that  which  brings  the 
best  wages  without  delay.  To  do  so  may  be  to  sell  the 
future  for  the  present — hardly  ever  a  good  bargain,  though 
one  that  is  often  forced  upon  the  poor.  In  the  choice  of 
employment,  as  in  other  things,  it  is  in  proportion  as  men 
grasp  the  fact  that  they  have  a  future  which  can  only  be 
secured  at  the  cost  of  some  present  sacrifice,  and  as  they 
are  willing  to  make  that  sacrifice,  that  they  can  hope  to 
attain  permanent  prosperity. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ON  INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES. 


I. 

As  our  starting  point  we  recognise  and  admit  the  anomalous 
combination  of  poverty  and  industry.  This  it  is  that  cries 
for  remedy.  Where  there  is  industry  there  ouglit  to  be  no 
poverty ;  all  the  more  since  we  also  recognise  and  admit 
that  we  can  count  as  an  influence  in  favour  of  industrial 
welfare  the  continued  expansion  of  national  trade  and  of 
London  as  its  greatest  centre  of  action,  providing  the 
scope  required  by  an  active  people. 

We  therefore  turn  to  the  personal  element  and  may  find 
in  "the  reform  of  the  individual  by  the  individual/'  if 
applied  all  round,  the  great  remedy  we  seek.  So  far- 
reaching  in  its  influence  that  it  might  even  be  trusted  to 
create  the  general  prosperity  on  which  it  seems  to  depend, 
it  must,  as  I  have  said,  be  applied  all  round — to  masters 
fully  as  much  as  to  men ;  to  those  who  consume  as  well  as 
those  who  create ;  to  those  who  buy  as  well  as  those  who 
sell.  It  would  cause  production  to  be  better  adapted  to 
requirements ;  management  to  be  more  capable  and  more 
thoughtful ;  labour  more  persistent,  more  honest  and  more 
efficient;  demand  more  considerate  and  undoubtedly  of 
enormously  greater  volume. 

These  two  great  inter-connected  influences,  industrial 
expansion  and  individual  character,  pervade  the  whole  of 
industrial  life,  and  through  them  every  other  influence 
we  can  name  is  exerted,  but  when  we  descend  to 
particulars  we  find  their  practical  application  very  difficult. 
A  trade  languishes  because  it  does  not  meet  the  especial 
wants  of  its  customers,  or  fails  for  lack  of  science.  In 
what  way  is  the  management  to  be  amended  ?  Another, 
perhaps,   is    wrecked    by    the    short-sighted,   ill-timed    or 


294  SUnVFA'  AXD   CONCLUSIOXS. 

ill-juilged  action  of  a  trade  union.  The  mischief  is  done. 
It  may  be  that  the  revival  of  a  discarded  fashion  or  the 
repeal  of  a  prohibitive  fiscal  law  by  some  foreign  govern- 
ment is  the  only  chance  for  a  mined  trade,  or  there  may 
be  no  available  remed}',  save,  if  there  be  the  requisite 
mobiHty,  in  the  transfer  of  capacity  to  some  other  field. 
"We  encounter  the  too  often  neglected  forces  of  economic 
friction. 

The  industrial  evils  for  which  remedies  are  sought  are 
infinitely  various  in  nature.  We  think  of  the  chemical 
worker  earning  fairly  good  wages,  but  ruining  his  healtli 
by  the  wilful  neglect  of  reasonable  precautions ;  of 
the  halF-skilled  plumber;  of  the  bricklayer  on  strike,  or 
the  bootmaker  locked  out ;  of  the  housewife  shopping  un- 
necessarily late  on  Saturday  night ;  of  the  tailoress  losing 
time  through  waiting  at  her  employer's  door  for  a  retarded 
task ;  of  the  pressure  in  the  West  End  during  the  busy 
weeks  of  the  London  season ;  of  the  long  hours  and  in- 
sanitary conditions  of  small  workshops ;  of  the  discomfort 
and  unhealthiness  of  the  home  of  the  domestic  fur-worker; 
of  the  young  mother  returning  to  the  factory ;  or  of  the 
boy  of  twelve  selling  papers  in  the  street.  Very  many 
needs  are  suggested,  and  the  remedies  considered  in  detail 
are  inter-connected  in  various  ways.  The  most  certain 
method,  for  instance,  of  securing  better  health  may  be  by 
shorter  hours  of  work,  or  the  only  way  of  obtaining  higher 
wages  may  be  through  increased  efficiency. 

Or,  if  we  consider  the  principal  objects  which  remedies 
have  in  view — higher  wages,  more  regular  work,  shorter 
hours,  better  health  and  longer  life,  greater  personal 
safety,  proper  training  and  increased  efficiency,  and  the 
maintenance  of  industrial  peace — it  is  clear  that  the 
pursuit  of  all  these  objects  is  not  equally  reasonable  or 
requisite  in  every  field  of  employment.  To  some  they  do 
not  apply  at  all. 

The    appropriate    instrument    of    remedial  action   will 


ON  INDUSTRIAL   REMEDIES.  205 

vary  with  the  object  aimed  at.  >Sometitnes  we  may  find 
the  instrument  witln'n  the  borders  of  the  trade  concerned. 
To  employers  and  foremen,  for  instance,  we  may  look  for 
better  management  and  more  thoughtful  distribution  of 
work,  by  which  the  maximum  of  regularity  may  be  secured, 
not  only  from  week  to  week  but  also  from  day  to  day ;  or 
to  the  wage-earner  for  greater  care  in  using  the  safeguards 
prescribed  for  health ;  or  to  employers  and  employed  alike 
for  the  frankness  and  consideration  which  conduce  to  the 
maintenance  of  satisfactory  relations. 

Or  we  may  have  to  look  outside  the  borders  of  the 
particular  trade :  to  Parliament  for  legislation  or  to 
local  authorities  for  bye-laws ;  to  the  central  or  local 
government  for  better  administration ;  to  the  consumer  for 
some  discrimination  as  to  what  is  purchased,  that  it  be  not 
'^  cheap  and  nasty,"  and  for  some  regard  as  to  when 
purchases  are  made  or  orders  given,  so  that  undue  pressure 
or  excessive  hours  of  work  may  be  avoided.  Or  finally, 
when  those  within  the  trade  are  either  apathetic  or  helpless, 
we  may  find  in  an  aroused  and  enlightened  public  opinion 
the  main  lever  by  which  the  tardy  wheels  of  reform  may 
be  quickened. 

There  is  thus  no  single  panacea,  no  philosopher's  stone 
by  which  economists  or  statesmen  can  touch  the  surging 
life  of  London,  even  with  the  glint  of  an  age  of  gold.  It  is, 
indeed,  not  this  or  that  particular  remedy  that  is  the  most 
essential  need,  but  rather  a  vital  movement ;  not  laws  or 
regulations,  but  the  creation  of  a  quiet  determination  on 
the  part  of  men  and  women,  rich  and  poor  alike,  to  do 
their  individual  share. 

Industrial  remedies  must  not  be  curative,  only,  of 
existing  evils;  they  must  be  preventive  also;  and  pre- 
pared to  meet  new  evils  as  they  arise.  Again  the  same 
large  principles  apply;  foresight  and  adaptability  are 
demanded    from    the    individual  to  take  advantasre  of  the 


206  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

cnsbion  of  contiuiious  expansion,  and  in  the  facts  as  to 
declining  and  expanding  trades  we  have  evidence  of  the 
remarkable,  and  for  the  most  part  unobserved,  processes 
of  industrial  adaptation  and  elasticity.  But  important 
as  are  the  facts  of  these  changes,  far  more  so  are  those 
brought  about  by  death.  If  only  we  could  apply 
etfective  remedial  action  to  the  young,  in  a  generation  the 
evil  conditions  which  seem  so  unchangeable  would  be 
swept  away.  Thus  it  is  that  education  comes  to  be  of  the 
first  importance. 

What  we  seek  from  education  is  not  simply,  nor  perhaps 
even  primarily,  economic  in  character,  but  the  best  hope  of 
economic  improvement  is  insured  by  this  foundation  ;  and 
on  this  basis  the  adoption  of  other  remedies  becomes  more 
possible.  Few  of  these  have  an  entirely  external  source; 
and,  even  when  authority  steps  in,  there  is  nearly  always 
need  for  the  intelligent  co-operation  of  the  individuals 
affected.  Factory  legislation  and  sanitary  measures,  for 
instance,  are  more  easily  administered  for  those  who 
can  understand  and  appreciate  the  regulations  by  which 
they  benefit. 

The  most  valuable  external  influences,  however,  are  rot 
those  which  control  the  individual,  but  those  which  enable 
him  to  act  more  freely  and  more  intelligently  for  himself. 
In  this  respect  above  all,  we  recognize  the  fundamental 
importance  of  education  as  an  instrument  of  industrial 
reform.  For  some,  the  advantages  secured  by  a  complete 
scientific  training  may  be  the  first  consideration ;  and  for 
others  a  sufficient  though  more  limited  technical  trainins". 
But  for  all,  the  "education  of  the  citizen"  will  be  calculated 
to  have  solid  and  beneficial  results,  and  the  extent  to  which 
the  advantages  of  technical  education  in  particular,  and  of 
improved  industrial  training  generally,  will  be  used,  is 
largely  determined  by  the  thoroughness  of  the  preliminary 
tcacning.  From  this  consideration  the  proposal  to  raise 
the   age   of  legal  employment   derives   its  great  practical 


ON  INDUSXniAL  nEMKDIES.  207 

importance.  At  present  it  is  often  just  tlie  quickest 
children  who,  because  they  are  able  to  pass  the  prescribed 
standards  at  the  earliest  age,  are  most  liable  to  be  with- 
drawn from  the  school  inlluonces  from  which  they, 
especiall}^  are  able  to  benefit.  Still  further  restrictions  on 
the  employment  of  the  young  would  be  desirable,  but  may 
not  be  practicable. 

The  thousand  opportunities  for  earning  precarious  liveli- 
hoods presented  by  great  centres  of  population  are  an  evil 
peculiarity ;  a  source  of  demoralization  for  all  who  come 
■within  their  influence,  and  most  especially  for  the  young. 
It  may  be  that  this  does  not  apply  to  London  to  any 
disproportionate  extent  when  compared  with  its  vast 
population,  but  in  a  village  or  small  town,  those  who  gain 
a  subsistence  in  this  way  are  merely  a  few,  or  it  may  even 
be  only  isolated  members  of  society ;  whereas,  in  London 
they  form  a  large  class,  exerting  the  influence  of  a  class, 
and  affording  day  by  day  a  deplorable  and  seductive 
demonstration  of  the  possibility  of  scraping  through  life 
without  knowledge  of  any  trade,  without  discipline,  and 
without  even  the  elements  of  an  orderly  industi'ial  life. 
If  it  were  possible  by  stricter  police  regulations  against 
loafing  and  cadging,  no  less  than  against  begging,  to  check 
the  manufacture  of  this  class,  it  would  be  desirable  by  these 
means  to  weaken  the  harmful  influence  of  the  school  of 
irregularity  which  some  of  our  public  thoroughfares 
present. 

The  immense  London  demand  for  boy  labour,  at  high 
rates  of  wages,  but  for  employments  which  have  no  future, 
is,  from  many  points  of  view,  a  matter  for  regret,  but 
errand  boys,  messenger  boys,  van  boys,  and  those  employed 
on  mechanical  tasks  in  excessively  specialized  trades,  have 
at  any  rate  a  better  chance  than  those  who  find  their 
livinor  in  the  streets,  and  the  fact  that  there  is  this  demand 
for  young  labour  facilitates  the  absorption  of  wastrel 
boys  into  industry. 


298  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSlUXS. 

In  the  enforcement  o£  special  provisions  for  the  preser- 
vation of  health  and  safety  we  have  a  -wide  field  for 
external  remedial  action,  although  the  most  important 
steps,  here  as  almost  always,  must  be  taken  from  within. 
The  motives  of  the  simple  Acts  passed  in  the  early  years  of 
the  century,  and  those  of  the  complex  code  of  factory  and 
workshop  regulations  now  in  force,  are  the  same ;  but  the 
scope  has  been  extended,  and  in  most  respects  adult 
workers  of  both  sexes  are  now  as  much  protected  by  law  as 
the  c-hildren  and  apprentices  who  were  the  special  care  of 
earlier  legislation.  In  provisions  for  cleanliness,  ventilation, 
amount  of  space  and  sanitary  arrangements,  there  are  now 
practically  no  exceptions  in  respect  of  age  or  sex  ;  but  it 
is  of  less  importance  to  ask  what  is,  or  might  be,  the  scope 
of  the  regulations  of  the  Factory  Acts  and  Public  Health 
Act,  than  to  consider  by  what  system  of  inspection  or 
penalty  they  can  be  enforced. 

It  is  of  the  first  importance  that  the  regulations,  if 
observed  at  all,  should  be  observed  by  everybody  alike, 
since  otherwise,  if  the  enactments  are  in  any  way  a  burthen, 
those  who  conform  to  the  law  are  penalized  by  so  doing. 
This  equality  before  the  law  is  far  from  being  attained. 
In  the  practical  work  of  administration  the  first  task  is  the 
registration  of  the  places  liable  to  inspection,  and  this  is 
most  difficult  in  those  very  districts  in  which  the  enforcement 
of  the  Acts  is  most  needed.  In  many  parts  of  London  it 
has  not  been  found  possible  to  complete  even  this  initial 
step,  and  much  time  is  lost  owing  to  the  frequency  of 
changes  of  address.  The  task,  undertaken  as  it  is  with 
insufficient  clerical  and  subordinate  assistance,  occupies 
several  years. 

In  this  connection,  however,  I  strongly  advocate  the 
placing  of  a  large  share  of  responsibility  on  the  landlord, 
not  only  in  the  matter  of  registration,  but  as  regards  all 
provisions  of  the  law.  Questions  of  structure,  ventilation, 
sanitation,  &c.,  are  directly  his  concern,  and  registration 


ON  INDUSTRIAL   REMEDIES.  201) 

should  be.     It  is  his  proper  business  to  know  the  purpose 
for  wliich  his  premises  are  used,  and  he  should  be  responsi- 
ble for  their  fitness.     Neglect  might  fairly  be  punished  by 
a  substantial  fine.     Questions  of   crowding  and  of   hours 
worked  are  directly  the  concern  of  the  tenant,  but  it  would 
not  be  amiss  that  the  landlord  should  be  also  responsible, 
in  so  far  as  to  bo  ultimately  liable  for  the  payment  of  any 
fines  incurred  in  these  respects  which  could  not  be  recovered 
from  the  tenant.    In  this  way,  and,  as  I  believe,  in  no  other 
way,  the  necessaiy  regulations  could  be  unifovmly  enforced. 
It  may  be  thought  unfair  to  put  this  burthen  of  responsi- 
bility on  the  landlord,  but  he  has  the  remedy  in  his  own 
hands.     If   ho  can   collect  rent  he  can  collect  fines,  and, 
moreover,  may  do  much  to  prevent  their  being  incurred. 
His  interest  will  be  with  the  keeping  of  the  law,  not  with 
its  breach,  and  so  in  him  inspection  will  find  an  ally.     It 
is  by  performing  such  duties  that  urban  landlords  can  best 
justify  and  make  secure  the  great  position  they  hold  in  the 
social    economy.       Should   the    landlord,   however,    shrink 
from  the  direct  performance  of  this  duty,  he  will  be  all  the 
more  obliged  to  protect  himself  by  charging  some  extra 
rent  to  any  tenant  whose  conduct  or  responsibility  was  not 
to  be  trusted,  and  this  extra  rent,  by  placing  the  probable 
law-breaker  at  a  disadvantage,  would,  in  so  far,  bring  about 
the  desired  end. 

The  strict  and  uniform  enforcement  of  such  regulations 
would  do  much  to  raise  the  character  of  small  workshops, 
and  would  tend  to  bring  about  a  desirable  separation  of 
the  premises  used  for  work  from  those  used  for  domestic 
purposes.  At  present,  although  the  work  of  factory 
inspectors  and  medical  ofiicers  of  health,  with  their  subord- 
inates, is  often  excellent,  they  seem  to  act  too  much  in  the 
dark,  emerging  only  from  time  to  time  before  the  public  gaze 
through  the  medium  of  a  police  court.  In  this  connection 
the  effects  of  the  agitation  at  the  time  of  the  appoiutnient 
and  during  the  investigations  of  the  Sweating  Commission, 


300  srnvEY  axd  conclusions. 

are  suggestive.  The  public  attentiou  wLich  Avas  directed 
to  the  conditions  under  which  much  work  was  at  that 
time  given  out  to  sub-contractors  led,  as  is  well  known, 
to  a  temporary  improvement  in  some  trades.  Employers 
became  alarmed,  and  it  does  not  appear  why  the  powers 
of  publicity  and  the  motive  of  fear  should  not  be  luoro 
constantly  used. 

A  question  arises  as  to  the  definition  of  a  woi'kshop. 
The  more  perfect  the  system  of  registration  and  the  more 
clearly  the  responsibility  of  the  landlord  can  be  established, 
the  further  will  it  be  possible  to  carry  the  operation  of  tho 
law.  The  object  must  be  to  include  all  manufacturing 
employment  in  which  wages  are  paid,  or  in  which  several 
persons  are  working  together  in  combination.  In  all 
such  cases  it  should  be  recognized  that  the  State  enters  as 
a  third  party  and  may  insist,  for  the  general  good  of  tho 
community,  that  certain  conditions  are  observed.  Fair 
])lay  and  sound  policy  alike  demand  that  the  pressure  thus 
exercised  is  not  limited  in  its  incidence  to  any  particular 
methods  of  employment.  If  factories  are  regulated,  work- 
shops must  no's  be  uncontrolled,  nor  must  small  workshops 
evade  a  law  to  which  large  ones  are  liable;  nor,  so  far  as 
possible,  must  work  done  in  the  homes  of  the  people  escapo 
the  responsibilities  that  fall  upon  workshops.  The  net, 
therefore,  must  be  large  and  its  meshes  small. 

In  effect,  if  the  landlord  is  made  responsible  for  tho 
registration  of  all  premises  used  for  industrial  purposes, 
few  would  escape,  and  at  this  point  the  responsibility  of  tho 
landlord  would  be  met  and  carried  to  a  still  further  point 
by  that  already  recognized,  though  not  fully  enforced,  of 
tho  employer  of  outworkers.* 

*  It  is  provided  by  the  present  Act  that  these  employers  shall  furnish  tho 
factory  inspectors  with  the  names  and  addresses  of  their  out-workers,  and 
they  are  also  made  to  some  extent  responsible  for  the  sanitary  conditions 
under  which  the  work  is  done.  But  the  power  of  the  inspectors  to  take  any 
eflcctive  steps  in  regard  to  the  homes  of  these  outworkers  is  still  an  open 
question. 


ON  INDUSTRIAL   REMEDIES.  301 

If  tlie  commanding  position  of  the  landlord  be  not  used, 
and  if  the  carrying  out  by  the  mere  multiplication  of 
inspectors,  of  the  enormous  task  imposed  by  the  present 
Acts  be  impracticable,  then  some  scheme  of  guerilla  warfare 
should  be  organized,  to  be  conducted  by  peripatetic  staffs 
drafted  without  warning  from  district  to  district  as 
required.  If  such  a  practice,  with  its  possibilities  of  dis- 
closure, were  accompanied  by  a  more  liberal  diffusion  of 
information  respecting  the  Acts,  much  might  be  hoped 
from  it,  but  even  so,  better  local  information  is  essential. 

The  present  method — with  its  slow  and  imperfect 
pi'ocess  of  registration  carried  out  by  an  insufficient  staff, 
with  names  and  particulars  discovered  as  chance  offers, 
and  with  an  occasional  remedy  enforced  or  conviction 
secured — is  not  unlikely  to  resolve  itself  into  an  administra- 
tion pour  rire  tending  to  induce  a  contempt  for  the  law. 
No  steps  are  taken  to  ensure  public  co-operation  or  the 
creation  of  a  sound  public  opinion  on  these  matters.  It  is 
nobody's  business  to  make  known  even  the  leading  pro- 
visions of  Acts  of  the  greatest  public  utility,  nor  are  the 
Acts  themselves  either  very  accessible  to  the  public  or 
their  language  easily  understood.  When  a  great  measure 
like  the  Factory  and  Workshops  Act  of  1895  is  passed,  the 
Minister  in  charge  heaves  a  sigh  of  relief,  and  the  Govern- 
ment is  satisfied  if  a  reputation  for  successful  legislation 
has  been  secured.  The  Press  ceases  to  discuss  the  pro- 
visions of  the  measure,  and  the  task  of  administration  is 
hampered  by  the  resulting  indifference  and  ignorance. 

The  defects  and  ineffectiveness  of  administration  are 
accentuated  at  the  present  time  by  the  complexity  of  the 
Acts  themselves  and  the  dual  control  that  exists.  A  com- 
pleter independence  of  action  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment Inspectors  and  the  Local  Sanitary  authorities,  seems 
to  be  required,  but  should  be  accompanied  by  a  syste- 
matic exchange  of  information  and  a  stricter  co-ordination. 
The  present  plan  by  which   the  sanitary  authority  has  in 


302  SUEVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

offoct  litHe  power  ovei*  factories  except  to  take  action  when 
called  upon  by  the  inspector;  by  which  the  inspector  not 
infrequently  prefers  to  report  sanitary  defects  in  workshops 
to  the  sanitary  authority,  although  he  has  the  power  to  act 
independently;  and  by  which  he  has  no  power  at  all  over 
domestic  workshops ;  is  clearly  one  which  leads  to  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  perplexity  on  the  part  of  employers 
as  to  where  authority  really  rests,  as  well  as  to  overlapping 
efforts  and  slow  procedure. 

I  do  Dot  propose  to  discuss  the  scope  of  the  regulations 
that  the  law  should  attempt  to  enforce.  I  would  only  point 
out  that  very  limited  regulations  uniformly  acted  on  would 
be  far  better  than  the  most  elaborate  rules,  which  are 
habitually  evaded  by  the  ill-disposed.  It  may  be  well 
that  the  rules  should  go  a  little  beyond  this  minimum,  and 
be  to  some  extent  counsels  of  perfection,  but  in  their 
administration  it  is  desirable  that  the  pressure  should  be 
gradual.  The  most  essential  thing  is  that  it  should  fall 
equally  on  all. 


II. 

The  efficacy  of  trade  unions  as  remedial  agencies  is 
mainly  due  to  the  assured  and  well-defined  relationships  in 
industrial  life  which  they  do  much  to  secure.  The  best 
systems  of  conciliation  and  arbitration  are  still  being 
tentatively  sought  by  tedious  and  painful  experiment,  hut. 
it  is  noteworthy  that  the  trade  union  form  of  combination 
is  the  principal  basis  on  which  all  industrial  diplomacy  is 
founded.  This  is  the  greatest  contribution  made,  by  trade 
unions  towards  remedial  action.  The  organization  that 
can  wield  the  weapon  of  the  strike  is  also,  and  for  that 
very  reason,  that  which  can  l)e  turned  to  the  service  of 
peace,  and  thus  at  the  present  time  the  existence  of  the 
trade  union  in  the  strongest  form  possible,  and  under  the 
ablest,  and  most  responsible,  guidance,  often  becomes  the 


ON  INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES.  303 

best  guarantee  of  the  avoidance  of  conflict.  The  definite- 
ness  sought  by  these  societies  in  endeavouring  to  secure 
the  best  conditions  possible  from  employers,  apply  to  the 
relations  amongst  the  members  themselves,  as  well  as  to 
those  between  employer  and  employed ;  and  even  extend 
in  some  cases  to  those  between  unionist  and  non-unionist 
workmen. 

As  a  result  of  the  position  thus  secured,  trade  union 
action  forms  one  of  the  chief  methods  by  which  the 
principle  of  representation  finds  its  place  in  industrial  life. 
The  elected  officials  represent  not  only  the  members  of  the 
union,  but  one  side  of  the  general  interests  of  the  trade, 
and  when  they  confer  with  an  association  of  masters  the 
representation  is  faii'ly  complete.  In  this  way  the  exercise 
of  a  collective  control  becomes  possible. 

We  have  seen,  however,  that  organization  is  very  far 
from  complete.  There  are  organized  trades,  unorganized 
trades,  and  disorganized  trades :  trades  which  lend  them- 
selves to  permanent  organization,  and  others  in  which  the 
principle,  though  always  alive,  only  operates  from  time  to 
time ;  others  again  which  only  benefit  indirectly,  bearing 
none  of  the  burthen  themselves;  and  finally  there  are  those 
to  which  the  principle  does  not  seem  to  apply  at  all. 

In  speaking  of  a  "  disorganized  "  trade  we  have  in  view, 
not  one  in  which  no  trade  union  exists,  but  one  in  which 
the  relations  of  employers  and  employed  are  fluctuating 
and  uncertain,  in  which  labour  is  either  over-specialized  or 
undifferentiated,  or  has  its  scope  ill-defined,  and  when, 
in  consequence,  the  evils  of  low  wages,  long  hours,  or 
unhealthy  conditions  tend  to  creep  in.  The  disorganization 
of  an  industry  is  a  sig-n  of  disease,  but  is  compatible  with 
very  complex  industrial  forms  and  with  a  highly  developed 
localization. 

Trade  union  organization  is  rarely,  if  ever, complete;  and 
the  attempt  to  secure  stability  of  class-relationships  when 
accompanied  by  incomplete  organization  is  undermincdby  the 


304  SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

position  of  the  non-unionist.  The  clanger  may  take  the  form 
of  actual  hostility  between  the  organized  and  unorganized 
members  of  a  trade,  or  may  simply  reflect  the  general  failure 
of  strength  that  springs  from  the  weaker  position  in  which 
the  latter  are  placed.  In  only  a  few  of  the  most  highly 
organized  trades  is  the  actual  exclusion  of  non-unionists 
attained,  though  in  many  trades  the  unionists  and  non- 
unionists  do  not  work  together.  In  some  cases  steps  have 
been  taken  towards  the  counter-organization  of  free  labour. 
Whether  this  be  done  or  not — and  it  is  never  done  on  the 
independent  initiative  of  the  wage-earners  themselves — an 
internecine  struggle  is  apt  to  follow  any  attempt  to  exclude 
non-unionists,  with  the  usual  charges  of  selfishness  against 
the  "blackleg,"  and  of  ''tyranny"  against  the  union. 
Where  the  uuion,  though  it  may  not  be  entirely  compre- 
hensive, yet  includes  all  the  more  capable  workers,  it  is 
indeed  able  to  foi'ce  wages  upwards,  but  in  so  doing 
endangers  perhaps  its  own  position,  and  certainly  that  of 
the  inferior  workers  ''beyond  the  pale";  the  operative 
builder  obtains  lOd  per  hour,  and  the  stricter  elimination 
of  the  less  skilled  man  follows;  the  compositors  secure 
a  minimum  wage  of  38s,  and  the  numbers  of  unemployed 
among  their  members  increase.  It  is  the  same  if  the 
improvement  in  the  terms  of  labour  springs  from  the 
voluntary  action  of  the  employers.  The  local  vestries,  for 
instance,  increase  wages,  and  the  services  of  the  less  com- 
petent and  elder  men  are  apt  to  be  no  longer  required; 
or  dock  labourers  are  granted  more  permanent  employment 
and  higher  pay,  and  the  casual  "docker"  is  driven  to  seek 
a  still  more  precarious  livelihood  elsewhere.  Thus,  the 
pressure  that  is  relieved  at  one  point  is  apt  to  become 
somewhat  more  severe  elsewhere :  the  advantages  that 
are  secured  to  some  are  accompanied  by  a  greater  struggle 
for  others,  and  especially  for  the  less  competent  and  more 
aged.  The  reflex  effects  of  remedial  action  have  thus  to 
be  watched  and  guarded  against,  lest  they  engender  a  new 
disease  in  some  unexpected  form. 


Oy   INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES.  305 

In  this  connection  tlie  influence  and  action  of  trade 
unions  as  regards  the  evils  of  irregular  employment  must 
be  specially  noticed. 

On  the  causes  of  a  fluctuating  demand  for  labour  they 
can  exercise  no  control,  though  they  may,  in  some  cases, 
by  the  diminution  or  abolition  of  overtime,  or  by  securing 
the  adoption  of  a  shorter  working  day,  obtain  a  more  equal 
distribution  of  employment  over  the  year,  and  thus  some- 
what greater  continuity  of  work.  But  these  influences, 
except  in  so  far  as  they  may  react  beneficially  on  the  moral 
habits  of  the  men,  are  of  small  account.  The  abolition  of 
overtime,  moreover,  may  even,  as  we  have  already  said, 
tend  to  increase  the  irregularity  of  employment. 

It  is  in  other  and  more  direct  ways  that  trade  union 
action  is  actively  beneficial  in  remedying  the  evils  of 
uncertainty  or  lack  of  work.  In  some  trades  the  difficulties 
of  old  age  are  met  by  a  superannuation  allowance,  and  in 
a  larger  number  out-of-work  pay  is  provided.  Moreover, 
every  trade  union  branch  is  to  a  certain  extent  an  employ- 
ment bureau,  and  the  rarity  of  application  by  financial 
members  of  trade  societies  to  the  municipal  or  voluntary 
labour  bureaux  of  London  is  exjDlained,  partly  perhaps  by 
sentiment,  but  also,  and  chiefly,  by  the  fact  that  the 
members  have  at  their  disposal  other  and  more  effective 
means  for  finding  employment.  The  recognized  and 
unsystematic  ways  by  which  a  man  out  of  woi'k  finds, 
or  endeavours  to  find,  employment — such  as  the  help  of 
friends;  the  chat  of  the  dinner-hour;  "looking  round''; 
following  up  particular  foremen;  the  social  club,  the  public- 
house,  or  the  occasional  advertisement — are  at  the  disposal 
of  most  men.  But  a  well-organiz;ed  trade  union  alone  has 
the  power  to  provide  the  machinery  by  which  any  degree 
of  system  is  introduced  into  the  method  by  which  the 
individual  wage-earner,  out  of  gear  for  a  time  with  the 
industrial  machine,  is  helped  to  find  his  place  again. 

In  the  case  of  all  societies  in  which  out-of-work  benefit 
is  given   there    is  the  corporate  motive  of   economy  that 
Y  20 


30G 


SUnVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 


makes  the  members  of  a  branch  desirous  of  finding 
employment  for  anyone  who  may  be  drawing  on  the 
funds.  But  even  apart  from  this,  when  there  is  no  out- 
of-work  book,  and  no  recognition  of,  or  reference  to,  the 
branch  by  cither  employer  or  foreman,  the  branch  is  still 
one  of  the  best  bureaux  of  information  available  to  the 
individual  man.  If  a  popular  man,  with  wife  and  family, 
his  chances  are  the  better,  always  provided  he  be  a  fairly 
good  workman. 

The  difliculty  which  arises  with  those  who,  from  some 
personal  or  trade  disqualification,  are  constantly  thrown 
out  of  work,  cannot  of  course  be  avoided  by  the  trade 
union,  for  the  "in  and  out"  is  as  recognized  a  problem  in  the 
field  of  employment  as  in  that  of  poor-law  administration. 
As  a  rule  these  men  are  unwelcome  members  of  a  union, 
but  while  they  remain  on  the  books  their  chances  of  obtain- 
ing work  are  at  least  increased  by  the  machinery  and  all 
the  sources  of  information  that  the  branch  provides ;  and 
their  own  efforts  are  stimulated  by  the  pressure  it  exercises 
against  idleness. 

The  practical  difficulty  which  the  societies  have  to 
overcome  from  this  source,  as  well  as  the  importance  of 
the  out-of-work  benefit  itself,  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
experience  of  the  London  Society  of  Compositors  in  which, 
during  the  years  1891-4,  40  per  cent,  of  the  money 
expended  in  this  benefit  was  paid  to  7|  per  cent,  of  the 
members.* 

*  The  position  of  this  Society  during  the  four  years  is  shown  by  the 
following  table  :  — 


Income. 

Tf>tal 
Expenditure. 

UiiPiiiployed 
Beiietit. 

Number  of 
Members. 

1891 
1892 
1893 
1894 

£18,253 
19,554 
20,935 
26,956 

£20,613 
21,595 
23,824 
26,349 

£10,6.39 
11,906 
11,865 
16,584 

9350 

9798 

10151 

10011 

Total  ... 

£85.698 

£92,381 

£50,994 

Of  the  £51,000  disbursed  in  unemployed  benefits,  no  less  than  £21.000 
waH  paid  to  742  members  who  were  out  of  work  some  part  of  each  year.     A 


ON  INDUS  TBI AL  REMEDIES. 


307 


The  inflacncc  of  trade  unions  on  washes,  liours  of  labour, 
&c.,  has  been  considered  in  Chapter  VI.,  and  some  of  tlie 
possible  remedies  for  irregularity  of  work  have  found  their 
place  at  the  end  of  Chapter  IX.  One  of  these — the  possibility 
of  change  of  employment — considered  as  a  far-reaching- 
industrial  remedy,  must  be  regarded  not  as  an  oscillatiou 
between  trade  and  trade,  but  rather  as  a  power  of 
complete  transition  to  some  other  field  of  industry  should 
necessity  arise.  In  this  sense  movement  and  the  capacity 
for  movement  and  change  are  real  remedies,  for  they  are 
an  application  of  that  adaptability  the  possession  of 
which  is  the  best  if  not  the  only  security  against  lapse  of 
employment. 

farther  sum  of  £11,000  was  paid  to  812  members  who  applied  in  three  out  oj 
the  four  years.  Thus  £33,000,  or  05  per  cent,  of  the  total  expended,  went  to 
15  per  cent,  of  the  members. 

The  following  table,  prepared  by  Mr.  G.  E.  Arkell  from  the  returns 
published  by  the  Society  of  9370  applications  distributed  among  4347 
individual  members,  shows  the  actual  distribution  of  the  unemployed  benefit 
during  the  four  years.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  amount  received  per 
member  increases  regularly  with  the  number  of  years  in  which  application 
is  made,  those  who  applied  in  all  four  years  receiving  in  the  course  of  each 
year  nearly  twice  as  much  as  those  received  who  applied  in  one  year  only. 
They  were  not  only  out  of  work  but  very  much  out  of  work,  and  their 
support  was  proportionately  costly  to  the  Society.  Age  or  misfortune  may 
partly  account  for  this  result,  but  the  chief  explanation  is  probably  to  be 
found  in  a  lack  of  efficiency  due  to  other  causes. 

London  Society  of  Compositors  (1891-4). 


Received  Unemployed 
Benefits  iu 

Recipients. 

Total  Benefit 
Keckived. 

Average  per 

31  AN. 

Number. 

Per 

Cent. 

& 

Per  Cent- 
B.s,e.  of 
Total. 

Per 
Year. 

For 
Period. 

One  Year  only  ... 
Two  Years 
Three  Years 
All  Four  Years... 

1G20 

1173 

812 

742 

87i 
27"^ 
ISi 
17" 

6,407 
11,110 
12,3G8 
21,109 

12^ 
22 
24 
41i 

£    «.      d. 

3  19     0 

4  15     0 

5  10 
7     2     0 

£    s.      a. 

3  19     0 

9  10     0 

15     3     0 

28     8     0 

4347 

100 

50,994 

100         5    9    0 

11     5     0 

20  * 


338  SVnVEY  AND   CONCLVSIOXS. 

Even  more  practically  valuable  is  the  facile  elasticity  tbat 
enables  a  man  readily  to  turn  in  whatever  direction  is  suited 
to  the  occasion  within  as  well  as  without  the  recosfnized 
limits  of  a  trade.  It  may  bo  only  in  new  countries  that 
a  Jack-of-all-trades  is  in  place,  but  the  spirit  that  can  find 
manv  roads  to  a  desired  end  is  as  valuable  here  in  Eno-land 
as  anywhere. 

In  the  consideration  of  possible  remedies,  associated 
industrial  effort  must  not  be  omitted,  for  it  is  an  influence 
which  may  be  pregnant  with  great  possibilities  of  progress 
in  the  future,  if  not  for  the  present  generation.  Up  to 
the  present  it  has  not  accomplished  very  much — especially 
in  London ;  but  the  movement  towards  co-operative  pro- 
duction has  gathered  strength  considerably  during  the  ten 
years  that  our  inquiry  has  occupied. 

In  the  variety  of  its  methods  lie  many  of  the  elements 
of  its  strength.  According  to  the  character  of  the  business 
and  the  intelligence  of  the  workers,  these  methods  may 
range  from  the  simple  giving  of  a  bonus  on  wages  to  the 
completest  forms  of  co-partnership  in  industry.  In  such 
forms  of  association  the  solution  of  many  difficulties  may 
ultimately  be  found  to  rest ;  not  as  between  consumer  and 
producer,  wiiich  is  the  distinctive  work  of  distributive 
co-operation,  but  as  between  capital  and  labour. 


III. 

It  cannot  but  be  admitted  that  the  industrial  conditions 
under  which  we  live  lead  to  poverty,  or  at  least  that 
poverty  follows  in  their  train.  The  immediate  explana- 
tion of  poverty  is  usually  very  simple:  No  savings;  no 
opportunity  of  remunerative  work;  inadequate  pay; 
inability  or  unwillingness  to  do  the  work  that  offers ; 
reckless  expenditure — such  are  the  causes  of  which  one 
thinks.     But   in  seeking  remedies  it  is  rather  for  causce 


ON  INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES.  309 

causarum  that  we  must  look.  We  ask  wliy  pay  is  in- 
sufficient, liow  it  is  that  work  cannot  bo  had,  by  what 
chance  the  sufferer  has  no  share  of  accumulated  wealth  ; 
or  we  may  seek  to  explain  incapacity  or  to  analyze  sloth. 
Finally,  in  the  attempt  to  reach  the  very  root  o£  things, 
we  are  driven  to  turn  these  questions  another  way,  and 
to  inquire  why  work  should  bo  remunerated  at  all;  how 
there  comes  to  be  any  accumulated  wealth,  or  what  claim 
any  one  in  particular  has  to  its  enjoyment.  I  do  not  wish 
to  pursue  abstract  reasoning  of  this  kind,  but  when,  as  .is 
sometimes'the  case  in  socio-economic  discussion,  it  seems 
to  be  assumed  that  those  who  lack  work  or  money  are 
on  that  account  wrongfully  treated,  it  is  desirable  to  ask 
what  it  is  that  entitles  men  to  either — not  in  any  spirit 
of  cynicism,  but  rather  in  that  of  the  scientific  dictum, 
"A  nihilo  nihil  Jit." 

Kemunerative  woi-k  with  payment  by  results  is  the  basis 
of  the  industrial  order  on  which  our  civilized  life  rests. 
When  men  earn  largely  the  world  has  usually  benefited  in 
proportion ;  and,  similarly,  when  they  are  paid  very  little  or 
are  unable  to  earn  anything  at  all,  it  is  fully  probable  that 
what  they  contribute  to  the  service  of  the  world  is  no  less 
insignificant.  Opportunities  might  very  well  be  more 
equal,  but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  under  any  diiierent 
industrial  system  they  would,  on  the  whole,  be  as  great  ; 
and  whatever  the  system — whether  individualist  or  socialist, 
competitive  or  paternal — the  final  cure  of  poverty  must  lie 
either  in  increasing  the  serviceableness  of  the  work  done, 
or  in  securing  for  the  less  capable  a  sufficient  share  of 
that  which  is  produced  by  the  more  capable  members  of 
society,  or  most  likely  in  a  combination  of  these  two. 

Social  remedies  are  all  concerned  with  securing  advan- 
tages for  the  less  capable.  Industrial  remedies,  while 
using  both  methods,  are  more  particularly  directed  to 
the  widening  of  opportunity  and  the  increase  of  servicc- 
ablent'ss. 


310  SVJRVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

Let  ns  first  take  the  case  of  insufficient  pay. 

At  the  outset,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  employments 
in  which  a  low  rate  of  pay  is  found  are  those  which  almost 
anyone  can  undertake  at  short  notice,  as  needing  neither 
special  training  nor  special  powers  of  any  kind.  Under 
such  conditions  the  rate  of  remuneration  naturally  falls  to 
the  bottom  level,  whatever  that  may  be,  and  poverty  is 
then  not  far  off.  For  this  state  of  things  the  most  certain 
cure  lies  in  improving  the  character  of  the  work  done 
or  the  service  rendered.  If  this  can  be  accomplished  the 
worker  will  assuredly  be  lifted  out  of  the  slough  in 
which  he  is  now  sunk.  Nor  is  this  all ;  for  by  the  decrease 
in  the  numbers  of  those  who  are  only  fit  for  the  lowest 
class  of  work,  the  value  of  even  their  poor  services  will 
be  enhanced.  It  may  perhaps  be  objected,  that  the  over- 
plus of  labour  would  in  that  case  be  merely  transferred ; 
and  that  any  gain  to  the  lowest  would  be  illusory,  since 
the  class  above  would  be  dragged  down  by  the  excessive 
competition.  This  objection  assumes  an  economic  rigidity 
very  far  from  the  truth.  The  wants  and  activities  of  men 
rise  with  the  average  of  capacity,  and  the  amount  of  work 
to  be  done  is  accordingly  increas'ed.  Thus,  more  than  in 
anything  else,  the  way  of  improvement  lies  in  the  increase 
of  the  numbers  of  the  capable  and  willing,  and  the 
decrease  of  the  incapable  or  the  shirkers.  The  industrial 
activity  of  capable  men  makes  opportunities  for  all  the 
world.  In  no  other  way  can  permanent  advancement  bo 
attained.  Acts  of  Parliament  may  do  something  to  raise 
and  protect  the  standard  of  life ;  combination  among  the 
workers  be  useful  in  fighting  their  battle ;  and  public 
opinion  have  effect  in  strengthening,  or  even  in  creating, 
a  sense  of  responsibility  amongst  employers ;  but  unless 
the  final  result  is  to  add  to  the  utility  and  serviceableness 
of  the  work  done,  improvements  have  little  chance  of 
lasting. 

This  doctrine  is  applicable  as  much  to  the  employer  as 


ON  INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES.  311 

to  tlie  employed,  or  even  more  so ;  in  their  case  on  the 
largest  scale  may  be  seen  "  the  making  of  opportunities 
for  all  the  world."     But  if  they  fail ! 

Unfortunately  the  inherent  differences  in  the  potentialities 
and  value  of  human  effort  are  imperfectly  apprehended, 
and  attention  is  chiefly  directed  to  the  terms  on  which  the 
product,  treated  as  a  fixed  quantity,  shall  be  divided.  The 
notion  of  "  undifferentiated  labour  "  is  the  basis  of  theoretic 
Socialism,  and  is  more  or  less  involved  in  all  schemes  for 
brino-in'j*  industry  under  State  conti'ol.  Socialistic  calcula- 
tions and  plans  of  action  almost  depend  upon  a  simple 
labour  unit.  The  extraordinary  diversity  of  powers  and 
conditions,  to  which  every  line  of  our  inquiry  bears  witness, 
is  constantly  ig'nored,  and  the  economic  value,  whether 
positive  or  negative,  of  the  employer  is  scouted.  Trade 
unionists,  the  working  classes  generally,  and  even  a  Avidcr 
public,  are  to  a  considerable  extent  under  the  influcLice  of 
these  ideas. 

They  affect  the  relations  of  capital  and  labour  in  a  some- 
what onesided  way.  The  employer  is  for  ever  seeking  to 
utilize  to  the  utmost  the  labour  of  those  who  work  for 
him,  and  if  he  fails  in  economic  virtue  it  will  usually  be  on 
other  ground  than  this;  but  on  the  part  of  the  men 
thought  is  seldom  given  to  the  necessity  of  adapting  the 
work  done  to  the  employers'  needs.  An  attempt  on  his 
part  to  reduce  wages,  or  the  refusal  to  raise  them,  is  never 
met  by  seeking  to  increase  the  utility  of  the  services 
offered,  but  always  and  solely  by  a  refusal  to  render  them 
at  all,  or  the  threat  of  this  ;  or  occasionally,  if  the  employer 
persist  and  a  strike  is  inconvenient,  by  the  opposite  plan 
of  giving  as  little  utility  as  possible  in  exchange  for  the 
wages  paid ;  that  is  by  the  fatal  resource  of  giving  slow 
work  to  match  small  pay,  known  as  the  "  ca'  canny " 
policy. 

To  fight  is  often  strictly  necessary,  and  the  power  to 
fight  efficiently  can  never   be   dispensed   with,  but   such 


312  SURVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

action  as  this,  unless  of  tlie  most  temporary  character, 
appears  to  me  to  be  bad  generalship  on  the  part  of  the 
union  leaders,  as  well  as  bad  economics,  and  only  to  be 
accounted  for  by  misconception  on  their  part  as  to  the 
permanent  basis  of  industrial  value.  To  seek  to  make 
a  bargain  more  equal  by  decreasing  the  utility  of  what  you 
liave  to  sell  is  surely  suicidal.  If  you  give  less  (the 
Sybiline  Books  notwithstanding),  you  cannot  reasonably 
hope  to  receive  moi'e.  It  will^  perhaps,  be  said  that  to 
give  less,  either  in  quantity  or  quality,  is  the  bottom  fact 
in  every  rise  of  price,  the  method  invariably  adopted ;  but 
the  parallel  docs  not  exactly  hold.  As  regards  quantity 
the  portion  of  the  product  withheld  remains  in  stock :  it  is 
not  so  as  to  labour  which  passeth  with  the  day.  As  regards 
C[uality,  if  the  quality  be  that  of  intensity,  there  is  some- 
thing to  be  said.  Intensity  implies  exhaustion,  and  a  man 
may  as  reasonably  measure  his  services  by  units  of  elfort  as 
units  of  time ;  to  do  so  is  the  basis  of  all  piece-work 
remuneration.  It  may  suit  one  man  to  work  six  or  eight 
hours  intensely  and  then  stop  for  the  day,  while  another 
gives  ten  or  twelve  hours  to  his  task.  Or  the  character  of 
the  work  may  decide  the  intensity  of  the  strain  it  involves 
on  nerve  or  muscle  and  the  pay  will  rightly  be  proportionate 
(amongst  other  things)  to  the  energy  expended.  No 
employer  can  reasonably  ask  more  effort  without  offering 
more  pay,  unless  the  change  is  to  be  regarded  as  reducing 
the  remuneration,  and  no  employee  can  be  expected  to 
strain  himself  to  the  point  of  exhaustion,  unless  remun- 
erated accordingly  (only  what  he  has  agreed  to  do  that  he 
must  honourably  perform)  ;  but  in  the  shape  the  bargain 
takes  he  will  do  well  to  consider  the  convenience  of  the 
employer  and  the  success  of  the  work. 

Moreover,  "  quality  "  in  work  is  by  no  means  confined 
to  intensity,  or  even  skill,  but  includes  conscientious  care 
of  every  kind,  and  in  this  every  man  has  much  to  give,  for 
which  he  ought  and  would  be  paid,  did  he  know  how  to 


ON  INDUSriilAL  llEMEBIES.  313 

play  his  cards  ariglit.  The  results  are  often  attained. 
A  good  master  will  not  fail  to  recognize  such  men,  and  in 
fixity  of  tenure,  if  in  no  other  way,  they  reap  what  they 
have  sown.  But  they  play  no  game.  It  is  part  of  their 
virtue  that  they  are  unconscious  of  it.  It  is  only  as  an 
instance  that  I  refer  to  their  case.  It  is  not  of  individual 
success  that  I  am  thinking,  but  of  the  policy  and  methods 
of  action  open  to  united  bodies  of  men  consciously  seeking 
their  own  advantage  and  deliberately  playing  their  own 
game.  To  them  I  would  offer  "  do  ut  des ''  as  a  motto. 
The  threat,  *'  pay  us  well  or  we  will  serve  you  ill,"  cannot 
compare  in  effectiveness  with  the  demand  '^pay  us  well 
because  we  serve  you  well."  If  wages  are  to  be  raised  to 
the  utmost  and  then  maintained  at  the  top  level,  it  is 
essential  that  the  wage-earner  should  consider  first  the 
interests  of  the  employer. 

It  will,  perhaps,  again  be  hinted  that  ''  sauce  for  the 
goose  is  sauce  for  the  gander."  Why,  it  may  be  asked, 
should  the  generosity  of  the  opening,  the  jDresent  tense  of 
"  I  give,"  be  expected  from  the  men  rather  than  the 
masters  ?  why  should  not  the  masters  leave  the  subjunctive 
"that  thou  mayst  give"  (involving  something  also  of 
a  future  tense)  to  the  men  ?  But  it  is  not  a  practical 
suggestion.  It  is  always  for  the  seller  to  show  his  wares 
and  satisfy  the  buyer  of  their  value.  The  buyer  must  be 
won.  He  stands  on  guard.  Caveat  emi)tor.  In  this  case 
buyers  and  sellers  have  a  common  interest  more  than 
usually  direct,  and  were  mutual  suspicions  at  rest  agree- 
ment ouo-ht  not  to  be  difficult.  Moreover,  no  transaction 
stands  alone.  Every  industrial  bargain  is  based  on  the 
results  of  previous  bargains  and  is  the  link  which  connects 
them  with  those  which  come  after.  To  be  jealous  of  the 
success  of  one^s  opponent  in  any  transaction  is  short- 
sighted. His  advantage  to-day  becomes  the  sure  basis  of 
your  own  success  another  time. 

A   margin   of   profit  to    the    employer    is   necessary    to 


314  SriiVEY  AXD   CONCLUSIONS. 

continuity  of  employment;  iu  tliis  sense  it  is  his  security. 
The  more  certain  and  safe  it  is  the  less  this  martrin  needs 

O 

to  be,  and  the  less  it  will  inevitably  tend  to  become.  By 
this  means,  in  tlie  end  the  wage-earner  and  the  consumer 
together  share  a  permanent  benefit,  and  it  must  never  be 
forgotten  that  the  consumer  is  largely  the  wage-earner 
over  again. 

We  have  seen  how  various  are  the  elements  of  utility. 
Men  do  not  know  the  possibilities  of  their  own  value. 
Such  virtues  as  truthfulness,  honesty,  and  loyalty,  might 
seem  smirched  if  appraised,  though  they  are  the  most 
valuable  of  all  commodities.  Others,  such  as  trust- 
worthiness, promptitude,  punctuality,  and  sobriety  are  more 
freely  recognized  as  merchantable  qualities,  and  find  a  place 
wherever  characters  are  asked  and  given.  It  is  all  these, 
no  less  than  skill  and  strength,  that  make  the  value  of  a 
man's  work ;  and  to  bring  them  to  market,  while  it  honours 
him,  does  nob  degrade  them. 

It  is  only  by  giving  his  best  services  that  any  man  is  in 
a  position  to  insist  upon  a  full  reward.  In  this  way  each 
individual  must  seek  industrial  salvation.  For  low  wages 
there  is  no  other  cure,  and  what  is  true  of  the  one  man  is 
true  also  of  the  mass.  Underlying  all  that  may  be  done 
for  him  by  combination  or  by  legislation  or  by  public 
sentiment,  the  individual,  in  asserting  his  claim  to  a  living 
wage,  needs  to  base  his  action  on  a  sounder  philosophy 
and  a  firmer  faith  than  that  which  usually  prevails.  To  be 
as  useful  as  possible — such  is  the  Gospel  of  industry ;  and 
there  is  no  one,  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  to  whom  it  does 
not  apply. 


IV. 

The  poverty  that  is  due  to  low  wages  is,  in  London,  less 
in  volume  as  well  as  less  acute  than  that  which  is  consequent 
ou  some  form  of  lack  of  work.     The  causes  of  this  indus- 


ox  INDUSTRIAL  REMEDIES.  315 

trial  failure  .and  consequent  irregularity  of"  employment  are 
many  and  complicated.  Socialism  boldly  offers  a  solution, 
and  to  tins  owes  its  influence  over  the  minds  and  hearts  of 
men.  But  the  ideal  it  holds  out  has  no  solidity  of  structure 
and  no  firm  basis.  This  is  shown  by  the  splitting  into 
different  camps  of  those  who  are  thus  associated  which  is 
invariably  experienced  when  the  moment  of  action  is  even 
approached.  Connected  with  this  natural  cleavage  is  the 
throwing  off  of  the  more  violent  elements  under  free 
discussion,  the  abandonment  by  the  majority  of  extreme 
views,  and  the  acceptance  of  legality  of  action.  Ameliora- 
tion of  existing  conditions,  rather  than  radical  change, 
then  becomes  the  aim.  Revolutionary  ideas  are  discarded, 
and  the  whole  subject  falls  into  the  lines  of  ordinary  demo- 
cratic government.  Finally,  it  is  found  that  the  solution 
is  not  there.     The  dream  has  faded  and  is  gone. 

Even  if  there  is  agreement  as  to  the  ends  in  view,  the 
means  to  be  adopted  under  law  and  constitution  to  secure 
more  equal  conditions  still  leave  room  for  much  difference 
of  opinion,  and  the  widest  divergence  appertains  to  the 
part  which  the  central  authority  is  expected  to  play  in 
improving  the  conditions  of  life.  This  action  may  be 
brought  to  bear  on  any  of  the  troubles  of  the  poor,  but  it 
is  especially  with  regard  to  lack  of  work  that  its  possibilities 
need  now  to  be  considered.  For  questions  of  public  health 
and  education  are  already  fully  recognized  as  being  within 
the  province  of  the  State,  and  on  the  other  hand,  if  the 
Socialistic  idea  yields  so  far  as  to  admit  wages  at  all,  the 
rates  will  generally  still  be  recognized  as  remaining  within 
the  scojDe  of  individual  action,  limited  and  controlled  by 
voluntaiy  combination.  There  then  remain  the  questions 
of  finding  employment  when  needed,  of  savings,  and  of  care 
for  the  fature,  as  to  all  of  which  the  proper  sphere  of  the 
State  is  disputed,  although  with  a  general  admission  that 
interference  with  private  initiative  may,  within  certain 
limits,  be  desirable. 


31G  SUnVEY  ASD   CONCLUSIOXS. 

To  be  able  and  Avilling  to  work,  and  yet  to  be  unable  to 
obtain  work,  seems  a  liard  fate,  and  singularly  unnecessary 
in  a  world  where  the  welfare  of  all  might  surely  be  capable 
of  increase  in  some  degree  by  the  work  of  each.  It  would 
appear  to  be  a  mere  question  of  the  application  of  work 
to  useful  ends,  but,  however  simple  this  may  sound,  it  is 
frauo-ht  with  ffreat  difficulties.  The  doubt  that  faces  us  is 
whether  it  is  possible  for  the  State  by  special  action  to  start 
or  stimulate  work  in  one  direction,  without  checking  it,  or 
taking  away  some  other  stimulus,  in  some  other  direction. 

AVe  may  sav  with  some  confidence  that  the  volume  of 
employment  depends  on  the  relation  which  the  amount  of 
enterprise  bears  to  the  numbers  seeking  employment.  But 
enterprise  itself  depends  on  many  things:  on  the  pressure 
of  capital  seeking  investment;  on  the  presence  of  unem- 
ployed (and  therefore  cheap)  labour;  on  the  demand  of 
consumers  for  the  things  or  services  they  require  ;  and 
finally  on  the  hope  of  gain,  the  spirit  of  adventure,  and  the 
pushing  of  inventive  genius,  and  all  these  interact, 
employing  each  other  as  well  as  hiring  labour.  They  are 
also  all  subject  to  two  forms  of  exhaustion,  being  liable  to 
repletion  or  collapse.  The  play  of  these  forces  is  apt  to 
result  in  cyclical  alternations  of  good  and  bad  times,  and 
in  a  competitive  struggle  for  success  in  which  the  weakest 
go  to  the  wall.  The  question  then  is — Can  the  central 
action  of  the  State  or  the  interference  of  local  government, 
cither  increase  the  total  volume  of  enterprise  or  beneficially 
regulate  its  flow  ? 

It  is  evident  that  any  operation  undertaken  by  the  State 
must  adversely  affect  some,  if  not  all,  of  the  sources  of 
private  enterprise.  It  will  withdraw  capital  and  so  decrease 
the  pressure  exercised  by  the  amount  seeking  investment. 
It  will  absorb  labour  and  tend  to  raise  its  price.  It  will 
satisfy  needs  that  would  otherwise  seek  other  methods  of 
satisfaction.  So  far  as  it  competes  with  private  enterprise 
it  will  reduce  the  chances  of  profit,  and  may  thus  damp  the 


ON  INDUSTRIAL  HEMEDIES.  317 

spirit  of  adventure.  Public  action  may  indeed  forestall  tlio 
natural  flow  of  enterprise,  but  if  this  is  all  it  can  do,  and  if 
we  suffer  a  permanent  loss  of  spontaneity,  wo  miglit  find 
we  had  paid  very  dearly  for  the  temporar}'-  advantage. 
In  spite  of  this,  so  far  as  such  action  does  not  come  into 
immediate  competition  with  possible  or  probable  private 
enterprise,  there  would  still  be  some  field  for  it.  Within 
the  limits  of  moderation  there  would  be  no  serious 
objection  to  the  absorption  of  labour  and  capital  in  this 
way.  Neither  capital  nor  labour  are  fixed  and  rigid  in 
amount  or  in  efficiency.  Their  elasticity  in  response  to 
demand  is  great.  Moreover,  it  is  rare  for  either  to  be  fully 
employed  at  any  one  time. 

The  limits  to  the  desirability  of  such  action  depend  on 
the  nature  of  the  government  and  also  on  the  character 
of  the  people  governed.  With  an  absolute  government 
and  a  dependent  people.  State  enterprise  may  be  desirable, 
whilst  where  there  is  freedom  and  industrial  energy  it  would 
do  more  harm  than  good.  The  class  of  work,  too,  that 
it  may  be  desirable  to  undertake  varies  according  to  the 
prevailing  conditions  of  life ;  for  instance,  railways  may  be 
a  more  fitting  national  work  where  population  is  sparse,  and 
the  rebuilding  of  cities  where  it  is  crowded.  In  a  general 
way  it  is  desirable  that  the  wants  supplied  by  these  means 
should  be  such  as  are  widely  felt,  and  at  the  same  time 
more  easily  catered  for  by  public  than  by  private  effort. 
In  such  cases,  public  action,  if  cautiously  and  carefully 
undertaken,  may  increase  the  total  volume  of  enterprise  and 
add  greatly  to  the  general  prosperity. 

Such  operations,  however,  would  not  be  aimed  at,  and 
would  not  particularly  touch,  the  case  of  the  unemployed, 
who  are  so,  while  others  find  work,  mainly  because  of 
some  personal  disability  under  which  they  suffer.  With 
greater  general  prosperity  there  might,  indeed,  be  fewer  of 
those  who  suffer  in  this  way,  but  even  that  is  not  certain, 
and  at  any  rate  the  class  would  not  cease  to  exist. 


31 S  SURVEY  AND   COXCLUSIONS. 

To  organize  systematically  the  labour  of  those  who  are 
incapable  of  finding  a  living  for  themselves  would  be  an 
entirely  different  undertaking.  The  Socialists  think  it 
can  be  done  by  self-devotion  on  the  part  of  the  capable, 
and  a  final  sternness  which  shall  enforce  obedience  by  the 
threat  of  starvation.  The  practical  difficulties  in  the  way 
are  perhaps  overwhelming,  but  in  theory  I  see  no  objection 
to  the  assumption  by  the  State  of  this  responsibility ;  and 
the  very  close  limits  within  which  alone  such  a  course  is 
possible,  are  due,  not  to  fear  of  injury  to  independent  lives 
nor  to  the  danger  of  perpetuating  or  increasing  the  assisted 
class,  as  might  at  first  be  supposed,  but  arise  solely  because 
the  incapable  would  refuse  to  submit  to  the  discipline 
which  alone  would  give  any  value  either  industrial  or 
educational  to  their  work.  If  attempted,  it  would  be  of 
the  nature  of  a  State  charity,  and  socialistic  in  the  sense  of 
the  Poor  Law  rather  than  as  involving  any  change  in  the 
economics  of  industry. 

It  is  to  other  quite  as  much  as  to  industrial  remedies 
that  we  must  look  for  the  cure  or  relief  of  poverty. 
We  have  to  consider  what  the  State  or  private  effort 
does  or  might  do  in  London  for  the  young  and  for  the 
old,  for  the  morally  weak  and  for  the  sick,  as  well 
as  for  the  unemployed ;  and  what  religion  and  philanthropy 
are  doing  or  might  do  to  form  public  opinion,  to  supple- 
ment or  modify  the  influence  of  legislation,  and  to 
disseminate  wholesome  views  of  human  life ;  or  what  other 
action,  public  or  private,  may  assist  in  eradicating  the 
causes  or  softening  the  hardships  of  poverty. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

EXrENDITUEE   AND   STANDARD   OF   LIFE. 


When  a  boy  belonging  to  the  wcrking  class  in  London 
has  finislied  his  schooling  at  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  of 
age,  he  readily  finds  work  for  which  he  is  paid  4s,  bs,  or 
6s  a  week.  As  a  general  rule  the  poorer  his  future 
chances,  the  higher  will  be  the  immediate  pay  which  he 
receives.  In  the  already  rare  case  of  formal  apprenticeship 
he  usually  foregoes  all  remuneration  at  the  outset  and,  in 
addition,  a  premium  will  often  have  to  be  paid.  In  other 
cases  the  lad's  earnings  go  to  the  man  who  teaches  him, 
but  this  also  is  exceptional,  and  applies  more  commonly  to 
father  and  son  than  to  strangers.  Thus  for  all  practical 
purposes  we  may  regard  boys  when  they  leave  school  as 
monev-earners. 

A  boy  usually  hands  over  his  money  to  his  mother,  who 
out  of  it  gives  him  every  morning  pennies  to  be  spent  at 
lunch-time  or  needed  for  train  or  tramway  fares,  or  allowed 
for  pocket  money.  The  rest  of  his  earnings  go  towards 
the  expenses  of  board,  lodging,  and  clothes.  It  costs 
from  3fZ  to  6d  a  day  to  feed  a  boy  at  home,  including  lunch, 
which,  though  generally  eaten  where  he  works,  is  prepared  at 
home  and  carried  in  the  pocket.  The  penny  or  so  which  may 
be  added  to  be  spent  at  the  cocoa  rooms  would  be  additional. 

As  the  boy  grows  older  his  weekly  earnings  rise.  One 
who  earned  55'  when  thirteen  might  be  in  receipt  of  any  sum 
from  10s  to  15s  a  week  when  he  was  eighteen  years  old, 
equal  to  a  rise  of  from  Is  to  2s  each  twelve  months.  After 
eighteen  more  and  more  divergence  is  shown,  and  by 
twenty  or  twenty-one  some  will  be  making  raen^s  wages 
while  others  are  still  earning  no  more  than  14s  or  15s. 
At  some  time  between  fourteen  and  eighteen  years  of  age 


320  SUIiVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

the  arrangement  between  the  boy  and  his  mother  wil? 
probably  take  a  different  shape.  He  prefers  to  keep  his 
wages,  and  pay  his  mother  for  board  and  lodging.  This 
change  usually  occurs  so  soon  as  the  mother  would 
otherwise  "make  a  profit ^^  out  of  the  boy;  the  same  is 
true  of  girls  also.  Though  it  may  savour  more  of  busine:?s 
than  the  family  tie,  it  is  natural  enough  and  has  become 
customary. 

The  cost  of  keeping  a  young  man  in  food  varies  a  good 
deal,  but  depends  mainly  on  the  capacity  of  the  housewife. 
A  mother  can  satisfy  her  son  more  easily  than  others  can, 
for  it  must  be  a  very  bad  home  if  a  lad  does  not  prefer  the 
food  he  obtains  there  to  what  he  buys  elsewhere.  The 
money  paid  to  the  mother  will  vary  from  5s  to  106'  a  week, 
according  to  age  and  other  circumstances,  and  out  of  this 
the  boy  or  young  man  will  obtain  good  value  in  board  and 
lodging,  washing  and  mending.  On  these  terms,  however 
small  the  profit  may  be,  a  mother  is  usually  glad  to  have 
her  son  in  the  house.  If  the  lad  have  no  home,  or  for  any 
other  reason  goes  into  lodgings,  his  living  will  cost  him 
rather  more.  For  the  share  of  a  room  or,  it  may  be,  the 
half  of  a  bed  shared  with  some  other  young  man,  he  would 
have  to  pay  3s  or  3s  6d  a  week,  or  about  4s  if  he  have 
a  small  room  to  himself.  This  charge,  besides  furniture  and 
bed  linen,  includes  the  use  of  the  kitchen  to  sit  in  and  the 
cooking  and  serving  of  meals,  both  of  the  simplest ;  the 
lodger  finding  the  uncooked  food  himself.  It  may  or  may 
not  cover  ordinary  washing  and  mending,  but  starched 
shirts  and  collars  would,  in  any  case,  be  extra,  and  are 
usually  sent  to  a  laundry.  If  cooked  meals  ai'e  provided, 
the  charge  for  them  will  be  8s  to  10s  a  week. 

Altogether,  living  in  this  way  would  cost  a  young  man 
10s  to  14s  a  week  for  board  and  lodging.  This  calculation 
assumes  that  substantially  all  meals  are  provided  at  home, 
being  either  eaten  there  or  taken  from  there  if  eaten  else- 
where.    When  meals  are  consumed  away  from  the  house, 


EXPENDITURE   AND  STANDARD    OF  LIFE.  321 

tea,  coffee,  cocoa,  or  beer  will  be  bou<]^lit  in  addition,  and  if 
food  also  is  bought  at  a  cook-sliop  or  restaurant  the  expense 
of  living  is  further  increased. 

A  young  man  Avho  is  earning  1 5.9  a  week  has  on  this 
basis,  over  and  above  board  and  lodging,  a  small  margin 
in  hand — which  is  increased  if  ho  is  living  with  his  parents — 
with  which  to  buy  clothes  and  defray  small  charges*;  and 
if  his  Avagcs  should  be  as  much  as  IS.s-  or  20.s^  he  is  able  to 
indulge  in  various  pleasures.  Ho  may  frequent  the  music- 
halls  or  pay  for  a  bicycle  by  instalments,  or  take  up  any 
other  pursuit,  or  indulge  mildly  in  any  extravagance 
to  which  his  fancy  turns,  and  may  thus  be  considered 
well  off.  He  might  no  doubt  save  money,  but  he  rarely 
does  so  until  he  begins  to  look  forward  to  marriage,  and 
not  always  then.  As  he  grows  older  his  necessary  weekly 
expenditure  does  not  increase  very  much,  while  his  pay, 
by  the  time  he  is  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  years  old, 
rises  to  that  of  the  full-grown  man — to  20.§  or  30s  or  more, 
according  to  his  trade.  At  this  stage  he  generally  marries 
and  a  new  family  life  begins. 

To  pursue  further  this  story  of  a  working  man^s  life, 
we  will  take  the  case  of  a  man  earning  on  the  average  24s 
a  week  the  whole  year  round,  and  suppose  that  he  marries 
a  young  woman  who  has  been  earning  lO.s'  (out  of  which 
she  probably  has  given  her  mother  7s,  leaving  os  for 
her  dress,  &c.).  When  first  married  the  wife  will  probably 
continue  her  work,  and  the  married  pair,  living  in  lodgings 
Avith  34s  a  week  joint  income,  are  better  off  than  they  were 
when  apart,  and  if  careful  will  soon  save  money  enough  to 
furnish  a  home  of  their  own.  But  if  children  are  born,  the 
wife  can  no  longer  earn  money,  and  with  growing  expendi- 
ture and  a  diminished  income  pressure  begins  to  be  felt. 

*  The  margin  that  results  from  the  economy  of  living  at  home  may  be  at 
times  absorbed  by  home  claims  of  one  kind  or  another,  as  for  instance  ou 
account  of  widowed  mothers,  ailing  fathers,  or  younger  brothers  and  sisters 
but  pleasures  probably  count  for  less. 

V  21 


322  SriiVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

"We  will  assume  that  tliere  aro  two  cliildi-en  and  try  to 
raake  up  tlie  budget  of  these  people.  Hitherto  thoir  income 
Las  been  sufficient  and  they  do  not  readily  begin  to  stint 
themselves.  Their  food  and  firing  will  probably  cost  146- ; 
rent,  lighting,  and  renewals  of  furniture,  will  not  be  less 
than  6s;  and  thus  there  will  be  about  4^  a  Aveek  (or  £10  a 
year)  left  for  clothes,  tobacco,  club  money,  doctor,  and 
pleasure  or  holiday  expenses. 

It  is  evident  that  there  is  hero  no  great  margin  for  drink 
or  anything  else  ;  if  drink  is  taken  there  will  be  so  much  the 
less  money  for  other  things.  With  three  or  four  children  the 
position  is  naturally  worse;  but  even  so  the  income  of  this 
family  would  be  2.v  or  3s  a  week  above  our  supposed  line  of 
pov€rt\j.  With  six  or  seven  young  children,  and  no  increase 
of  income,  this  household  would  fall  below  the  line.  The 
food  obtained  might  still  be  sufficient,  but  the  quantity 
of  meat  allowed  must  be  small.  Accommodation  fully 
sufficient  for  four,  and  passing  muster  for  five  or  six,  would 
become  very  much  crowded  with  eight  or  nine  persons  in 
the  family.  Clothes  and  furniture  would  become  shabby, 
or  go  to  pieces.  Club  payments  would  perhaps  lapse ;  in 
case  of  illness  or  trouble  there  would  be  nothing  to  fall 
back  upon;  and  undoubted  poverty,  if  not  actual  destitution, 
must  supervene  unless  there  is  exceptionally  good  manage- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  woman,  and  very  helpful  self- 
denying  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  man.  When  these 
are  present,  results  which  would  seem  impossible  are 
achieved. 

Happily,  in  very  many  cases  the  earnings  by  this  time 
have  risen.  They  tend  to  rise  as  responsibilities  increase, 
and  a  family  of  six  or  eight  with  285  or  30s  coming  in  may 
do  nearly  as  well  as  one  of  four  or  five  persons  on  2As. 
]\Ioroover,  the  extreme  pressure  passes  as  soon  as  the  eldest 
cliildren  begin  to  earn  money. 

I  have  assumed  that  the  wife  does  not  work  for  money 
after  her  children  are  born,  and  it  is  at  any  rate  evident 


EXPENDITURE   AND   STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  323 

that  if  she  has  several  young  cliilJren  it  could  not  he 
expected  of  her.  She  may,  liowcver,  earn  something  by 
taking  lodgers,  forestalling  in  this  way  the  position  of 
a  family  with  grown-up  children.  This  resource,  however, 
involves  increased  rent  and  more  expenditure  of  capital 
for  furniture  than  would  bo  needed  for  tlie  accommodation 
of  elder  children,  and  besides  is  subject  to  considerable 
risks  from  defaulting  lodgers.  In  a  lower  class,  amongst 
the  chronically  poor  aud  very  poor,  when  the  man  earns 
little  or  brings  little  home,  and  of  course  where  there  is  no 
male  bread-winner,  the  women  almost  always  earn  some 
money.  The  standard  of  life  in  many  of  these  cases  can 
be  described  only  in  negatives.  It  has  rather  been  my 
aim  to  draw  a  rough  picture  of  the  most  common  lot — 
that  of  the  fairly  well  fed  and  well  clothed  comfort- 
able working  class  of  London,  and  to  indicate  its  risks 
and  limitations. 

Just  as,  starting  from  about  245  for  a  moderate  family, 
each  shilling  a  week  less  is  a  direct  step  into  poverty, 
so  each  shilling  a  week  more  tells  no  less  quickly  in  the 
opposite  direction.  As  the  weekly  income  rises  from  20s 
to  22.9,  24s,  26s,  28s,  and  30s,  not  only  does  the  whole 
standard  of  life  gradually  rise,  but  what  goes  for  even 
more,  that  which  is  aimed  at  is  attained.  In  this  respect  it 
is  mainly  the  sum  that  regularly  reaches  the  home  that  must 
be  considered.  What  is  done  with  the  money,  and  the 
amount  of  comfort  it  yields,  depends  almost  entirely  on  the 
wife.  It  may  be  said  that  habitual  expenditure  on  extras 
of  any  kind,  and  even  extravagance  or  squandering,  if  of 
such  a  description  as  can  be  laid  aside  at  need,  provide  a 
kind  of  reserve.  But  wastefulness,  whether  on  the  part  of 
the  husband  or  the  wife,  affects  the  comfort  of  the  home 
as  much  as,  or  perhaps  more  than,  the  presence  of  three  or 
four  additional  children,  so  that  with  wasteful  ways  earnings 
of  24s  or  28s  become  no  more  than  22s  or  26s,  or  even  less 
for  any  good  they  do. 

V  21  ^ 


324  SVrxVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

Tliis  is  no  less  true,  tliongb  it  may  be  less  serious,  wbeu 
the  uione}'  earned  is  35.^,  40^,  or  even  50s;  and  many  a 
family  Avliich  might  be  living  in  easy  comfort  is  dragged 
down  in  this  way.  Otherwise  a  wide  difference  in  standard 
of  life,  amounting  almost  to  a  class  distinction,  is  noticeable 
between  those  who  earn  less  and  those  who  earn  more  than 
'60s  a  week,  or  thereabouts. 

It  is  not  possible  to  say  with  certainty  or  exactness 
what  proportion  of  the  population  are  living  above,  and 
what  proportion  below,  this  line,  or  any  other  line  that 
might  be  chosen.  The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  such 
calculations  have  been  dwelt  upon  in  the  first  part  of  this 
volume.  Eates  of  wages  are  both  incomplete  and  incorrect 
as  records  of  income,  because  of  the  subsidiary  earnings 
of  children  or  wife,  and  because  of  periods  out  of  work  and 
other  forms  of  irregularity  of  employment.  Moi-eover,  no 
returns  that  can  be  obtained  represent  fully  the  whole 
body  of  workers.  We  can,  therefore,  only  arrive  at  an 
estimate.  The  result  of  all  our  inquiries  make  it  reasonably 
sure  that  one-third  of  the  population  are  on  or  about  the 
line  of  poverty  or  are  below  it,  having  at  most  an  income 
which  one  time  with  another  averages  21s  or  22.9  for  a 
small  family  (or  up  to  2os  or  2Gs  for  one  of  larger  size), 
and  in  many  cases  falling  much  below  this  level.  There 
may  be  another  third  who  have  perhaps  lO.s  more,  or,  taking 
the  year  round,  from  25s  to  obs  a  week,  among  whom 
would  be  counted,  in  addition  to  wage-earners,  many  retnil 
tradesmen  and  small  masters;  and  the  last  third  would 
include  all  who  are  better  off.  The  first  group,  who  are 
practically  those  who  are  living  two  or  more  persons  to 
each  room  occupied,  contains  our  classes  A,  B,  C,  and  D. 
The  next,  with  on  the  average  ncai-ly  one  room  to  each 
person,  consists  of  class  B,  with  portions  of  F  and  G  ; 
while  the  final  group  includes  the  rest  of  F  and  G  and  all 
of  Class  II — that  is,  all  those  who  employ  servants  as  well 
as  some  of  those  who  do   not.     Of  the    first,   many   are 


EXPENDITUnE  AND  STJNDABD   OF  LIFE.  325 

pinclied  by  want  and  all  live  in  poverty,  if  poverty  be 
defined  as  Laving  no  surplus.  The  second  enjoy  solid 
working-class  comfort,  and  of  the  third  group  the  Avorst-oif 
live  in  plenty  and  the  best-off  in  luxury. 

In  describing  the  prevailing  standard  of  life  it  will  be 
desirable  first  to  revert  to  the  description  of  the  six  lower 
classes  given  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Poverty  Series. 

Of  the  lowest  class.  A,  which  cannot  be  associated  in 
any  regular  way  with  industrial  or  family  life,  nothing  more 
need  now  be  said.  The  common  lodging-house  caters  for 
their  necessities  and  the  public-house  for  their  superfluities. 
Their  ultimate  standard  of  life  is  almost  savage,  both  in  its 
simplicity  and  in  its  excesses. 

Class  B,  the  very  poor,  whose  earnings  are  irregular  as 
well  as  small,  contains,  like  every  other  class,  a  mixture 
of  many  kinds,  but  the  most  prevailing  characteristic  is 
incompetence,  which  may  be  due  to  age  or  illness,  but  is 
often  aggravated  by  indulgence  in  alcohol.  The  staple 
food  of  this  class  is  bread,  and  for  a  beverage  at  their 
meals  they  usually  drink  tea.  Other  articles  of  food  they 
add  as  they  may  be  able;  margarine  to  spread  on  the 
bread,  or  jam  if  there  are  children,  a  little  bacon  or  some 
fried  fish.  Potatoes  are  largely  used,  greens  sometimes, 
and  the  cheap  parts  of  beef  and  mutton  on  occasion  when 
the  money  in  hand  goes  far  enough.  The  food  is  ill-cooked 
and  often  tasteless,  and  pickles  are  commonly  added  as 
a  relish.  Alcohol,  whether  in  the  form  of  beer  or  spirits, 
is  mostly  taken  apart  from,  or  in  place  of,  food.  The 
clothing  worn  is  in  most  cases  sufficient  for  warmth,  but 
is  disreputable  in  appearance,  ill-fitting  and  unsuitable. 
Cast-off  clothes  of  the  wealthy,  passing  downwards,  are 
bought  and  sold,  as  well  as  given ;  and  these  carry  with 
them  a  faded  smartness  even  as  regards  men's  clothes, 
while  the  outer  garments  of  the  women  show  much 
tawdriness  of  trimming  and  the  I'elics  of  past  fashion,  in 


32G  SURVEY  AXD    CONCLUSIONS. 

shapes  -vvliicli  have  lost  what  meaning  they  may  ever  have 
possessed.  This  class  may  almost  be  distinguished  by  its 
deplorable  boots. 

The  typical  home  of  snch  families  is  extremely  miserable 
and  unsavoury.  The  furniturOj  whether  much  or  little  in 
quantity,  consists  of  things  barely  worth  pawning,  or  the}'' 
would  have  been  pawned ;  things  not  only  shabby  and 
broken,  but  foul.  The  bed-clothes  are  grimy  as  well  as 
ragged,  and,  except  in  hot  weather,  their  insufficiency  is 
eked  out  by  flinging  on  the  bed  such  of  the  day-clothes  as 
are  discarded  for  the  night.  The  same  room  serves  for  living 
and  sleeping,  cooking  and  washing,  for  children  of  all  ages 
as  well  as  for  man  and  wife.  Remains  of  food  are  always 
about — there  is  perhaps  no  cupboard — j^^'obably  part  of  a 
loaf  is  on  the  table  with  a  little  butter  and  a  much-used 
knife,  or  a  teapot,  an  unwashed  cup  or  two  and  a  cracked 
plate.  The  window,  broken,  patched,  and  dirty,  indicates 
more  perhaps  than  anything  else  that  no  housewifely  pride 
is  taken.  Such  is  the  appearance  presented  by  a  homa  of 
this  class  to  the  casual  visitor. 

The  inmates  may  not  be  so  badly  off  as  they  seem.  They 
may  perhaps  be  "  qualifying  for  relief,"  and  prefer  to  look 
poor ;  or  they  may  be  habitual  squanderers  of  their  resources. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  may  be  starving.  In  any  case 
they  are  most  likely  incapable  of  permanent  improvement. 
"J'hey  may  be  detected  in  deception,  but  will  again  try  to 
deceive  ;  may  be  shamed  for  a  time,  but  will  not  cease  to 
squander ;  or  they  may  be  fed  and  assisted  to  make  a  fresh 
start,  but  do  not  and  cannot  become  self-supporting.  Such 
at  least  is  the  rule.  Where  poverty  is  connected  with  sick- 
ness or  old  age,  even  when  permanent  improvement  cannot 
be  looked  for,  there  is  at  times  a  noble  and  most  arduous 
struggle  to  maintain  respectability.  And  there  are  now 
and  then  cases  of  industrial  disability,  no  less  sad,  which 
are  the  result  of  pure  misfortune.  Or  it  may  be  that  under 
an  unfortunate  marriage,  the  respectable  partner  attempts. 


EXPENDITURE  AND  STANDARD    OF  LIFE.  327 

with  dislicartening  results,  to  prevent  the  ruin  threatened 
by  the  conduct  of  the  other. 

The  standard,  of  life  characteristic  of  Class  B  as  I  have 
described  it  does  not  of  course  ftpply  strictly  to  the  Avholc 
300,000  persons  who,  accordinf^  to  our  estimates,  belong  to 
this  class  in  London.  There  are  many  gradations,  and  as 
there  is  no  clear  line  of  division  between  class  and  class  it 
may  be  roughly  assumed  that  one-third  of  the  whole  number 
counted  would  approach  more  or  less  towards  the  standard 
of  Classes  C  or  D. 

The  distinction  we  have  drawn  between  Classes  C  and  D, 
rests  on  the  question  of  regularity  or  irregularity  of 
earnings,  and  so  carries  with  it  some  diflference  in  standard 
of  life.  It  would  not  be  actually  impossible  for  the  family 
of  a  man  who  earned  on  the  year's  average  21s  a  week,  to 
live  regularly  at  that  rate,  although  he  might  make  Sbs  in 
some  weeks  and  not  more  than  7s  in  others.  But  such 
self-control  is  not  to  be  expected,  and  consequently  as 
a  rule  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the  ways  of  life 
in  Class  C,  where  the  work,  though  fairly  well  jDaid,  is 
irregular  and  uncertain,  and  the  habits  of  Class  D,  where 
the  wages,  though  not  high,  are  the  same  or  nearly  the 
same,  week  by  week,  all  the  year  round. 

In  Class  D  there  is  never  the  consciousness  of  spare 
cash  ;  the  effect  of  any  unwonted  expenditure  is  felt  at  once 
in  short  commons  at  the  week  end.  The  result  is  that 
extravagances  :ire  avoided  and  the  wife  spends  the  regular 
sum  she  receives  in  much  the  same  manner  week  after 
week.  A  good  deal  of  bread  is  eaten  and  tea  drunk, 
especially  by  the  women  and  children,  but  the  meals  have 
a  more  attractive  character  than  with  Class  B.  Bacon,  eggs, 
and  fish  appear  reg'ularly  in  the  budgets.  A  piece  of  meat 
cooked  on  Sunday  serves  also  for  dinner  on  Monday  and 
Tuesday,  and  puddings,  rarely  seen  in  Class  B,  are  in 
Class  D  a  regular  institution,  not  every  day,  but  sometimes 
in  the  week.     On  the  Avhole  these  people  have  enough,  and 


S28  SUIiVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

very  seldom  too  mucli,  to  eat  ;  and  healthy  though  ratlier 
restricted  lives  are  led.  The  clothes  worn  are  sometimes 
second-hand,  but  if  not  new  when  bought  they  have  at  least 
been  made  to  look  new.  More  generally,  however,  these 
people  buy  new  things  of  common  though  often  sterling 
quality  at  cheap  shops,  and  both  men  and  women  look 
creditably  dressed.  It  is  on  the  children  that  the  passion 
for  finery  spends  itself.  In  this  class  children  play  a  great 
part,  being  at  once  the  plague  and  pride  of  their  parents' 
lives.  But  whether  plague  or  pride,  their  intluonce  in 
dragging  families  into  poverty  is  seldom  thought  of  at  all. 

The  home,  however  poor  and  however  crowded,  is  on 
a  different  plane  altogether  from  that  found  in  Class  B. 
The  window  is  bright,  shrouded  with  clc^an  cotton-lace 
curtains,  and  often  filled  with  plants ;  or  a  little  table 
holding  some  treasured  ornament  is  pushed  forward 
between  the  curtains,  that  passers-by  may  see  it.  "  1  am 
very  particular  about  my  windows,"  said  a  woman  of  this 
class,  in  whose  house  I  once  occupied  an  unfurnished  room, 
and  I  hope  my  curtains  did  her  no  discredit.  The  condition 
of  the  W'indow  is  typical  of  all  the  rest.  The  furniture, 
though  poor,  is  cared  for,  and  if  the  atmosphere  is  sometimes 
close,  at  any  rate  it  does  not  share  the  foul  and  acrid  smell 
which  is  the  almost  invariable  characteristic  of  the  liomos 
of  Class  B,  and  of  which  the  very  streets  reek  where  their 
houses  are  found.  There  is  nothing  depressing  about  the 
homes  of  Class  D,  except  perhaps  on  Avashing  day — and  not 
then  unless  the  clothes  have  to  be  dried  indoors — and  the 
life  is  one  that  might  for  a  while  be  shared  with  pleasure  by 
anyone.  Its  peculiar  curse,  the  narrow  margin  between 
such  a  life  and  destitution,  the  lack  of  any  protection 
iigainst  the  "slings  and  arrows  of  outrageous  fortune," 
happily  does  not  weigh  much  on  the  minds  of  this  class. 

The  jDeople  of  Class  C,  though  on  the  whole  worse  off  than 
those  of  Class  D,  have  in  a  certain  sense  a  higher  standard. 
For  this  class  demands  and  aims  at  more  than  it  can  achieve. 


EXPENDITURE  AND   STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  829 

except  when  times  are  good.  Just  as  Class  B  represents 
the  failure  of  D,  so  Class  C  is  the  failure  of  E,  irregularity 
of  earnings  or  of  conduct  being  the  explanation  in  both 
cases,  and  the  proportion  of  failure  to  success  is  the 
rneasui'e  of  each  class.  It  Avill  be  enough  as  regards  C, 
if,  when  we  come  to  describe  the  manner  of  life  in  E — ■ 
the  class  of  fully-paid  labour  in  regular  employ — we 
remember  that  the  people  of  the  former  class,  although 
they  may  wish  to  live  like  E^  must,  when  earnings  fail,  either 
fly  to  the  pawnshop,  or  get  into  debt,  or  go  without  the 
food  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed.  For  Class  C 
spends  the  money  as  it  comes.  These  people  vary  among 
themselves  as  regards  the  extent  or  proportion  in  which 
they  apply  these  financial  expedients,  and  also,  radically, 
according  to  the  nature  of  the  irregulaiity  from  which  they 
suffer  :  that  is  according  to  whether  it  is  of  long  or  short 
duration ;  a  matter  of  seasons,  or  occasional  in  its  character. 
Thus  this  class  affords  great  variety  of  condition  without 
any  very  distinct  type. 

Class  E  contains  the  largest  section  of  the  people,  and  is 
thus,  more  than  any  other,  representative  of  the  '^way 
we  live  now."  Meals  are  more  regular.  For  dinnei',  meat 
and  vegetables  are  demanded  eveiy  day.  Bacon,  eggi  and 
fish  find  their  place  at  other  times.  Puddings  and  tarts 
are  not  nncomraon,  and  bread  ceases  to  be  the  staff  of 
life.  Skill  iu  cookery  becomes  very  important,  and 
though  capable  of  much  improvement,  is  on  the  whole 
not  amiss.  In  this  class  no  one  goes  short  of  food. 
Clothes  necessary  for  warmth  and  comfort  are  usually  good 
and  suitable;  tliey  wear  well  and  are  well  worn.  It  is  ouly 
when  smartness  is  attempted  that  rubbish  is  bought,  and 
unserviceableness  and  cheapness  going  together,  money  is 
wasted.  Even  so,  if  the  young  men  and  young  women 
succeed  in  looking  as  they  would  wish  to  look  in  the 
evening  or  on  the  Sundays  in  each  other's  eyes,  they  obtain 
their  money's  worth.     The  working  clothes  are  accoreliilg 


330  SURVEY  AND   COSCLUSIOXS. 

to  the  nature  of  the  work.  The  holiday  garments  are 
as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  fashion  of  the  day.  As  a  rule, 
none  of  the  clothes  are  second-hand. 

In  the  furnishing  and  care  of  the  houses  or  rooms  in 
which  Class  E  dwells,  considerable  housewifely  pride  is 
shown,  though  the  results  secured  fall  short  of  what 
is  commimly  attained  by  villagers  much  lower  in  the 
industrial  scale.  The  furniture  is  usually  inconvenient  and 
ill-arranged,  and  is  almost  always  ugly.  It  is  probably 
impossible  to  combine  beauty  with  such  lack  of  individuality 
as  goes  with  the  cheapest  forms  of  production,  and  tlio 
verv  small  size  of  the  rooms  makes  arrangement  diflicult. 
Still,  with  better  taste  something  more  might  be  done. 
Taste  in  this  matter  is,  indeed,  hardly  exercised  at  all, 
but  displays  itself  mostly  in  covering  the  walls  with 
pictures.  The  kitchen,  with  high  chimneypiece,  set  about 
with  bright  metal  candlesticks  and  dish  covers,  is  the  most 
attractive  room  in  every  house. 

Between  a  typical  home  of  Class  B  and  a  typical  home  in 
F — the  class  of  foremen  and  highly-paid  artisans — there  is 
a  wide  distinction  both  in  the  character  of  the  accommo- 
dation and  in  the  use  made  of  it.  Class  E  may  have  a 
parlour  as  well  as  a  kitchen,  but  it  is  not  used  except  on 
Sunday;  or  if  regular  use  is  made  of  it,  it  is  as  a  bedroom 
for  overflowing  children.  Class  P  not  only  always  has 
a  parlour,  but  uses  it  as  such.  It  is  used  by  the  family  to 
sit  in,  as  well  as  for  entertaining  company,  and  some,  at  any 
rate,  of  the  meals  are  eaten  there.  In  Class  E,  as  also  in 
Classes  C  and  U,  ablutions  are  usually  performed  at  the 
sink  in  the  back  kitchen,  or  sometimes  in  warm  weather 
a  tap  in  the  yard  may  be  resorted  to.  This  rule  applies 
to  both  sexes.  Little  children,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
generally  washed  before  the  kitchen  fire.  Men  going 
early  to  their  work  do  not  wash  in  the  morning,  and  when 
they  come  home  may  even  eat  before  doing  so.  But,  hunger 
satisfied,   they   "  clean  themselves   up "    before  going  out. 


EXPK}^BITVRE  AND  STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  3;jl 


Those  Avliosc  work  Ijoguns  after  breakfast  come  down- 
stairs half-dressed  ill  order  to  wash ;  and  either  finisli  the 
operation  in  tlio  baek-kitclien,  where  there  is  usually 
a  small  looking-«^lass  and  often  a  brush  and  comb,  or 
return  to  their  l)edrooni  for  this  purpose.  It  is  the  same 
with  the  women  and  girls.  Those  who  start  early  postpone 
washing  till  evening,  and  the  others  take  their  turn — 
usually  after  the  men  have  gone.  Sometimes  a  lodger  will 
have  water  carried  to  his  room ;  but  if  so,  it  probably 
indicates  that  he  belongs  to  Class  F.*  In  Class  F  the 
back  kitchen  as  a  place  for  ablutions  is  superseded  by  the 
bedroom,  and  not  infrequently  in  new  houses  by  the  bath- 
room, by  which  means  much  carrying  of  cans  and  pails 
up  and  down  stairs  is  avoided. 

With  F  we  reach  the  summit  of  working-class  life. 
The  head  of  the  family  earns  from  40,9  to  60s,  or  even  70s 
a  week,  and  there  are  often  other  members  bringing  in 
money.  They  live  very  comfortably  and  many  of  them 
save  money,  or  insure  their  lives  for  a  substantial  sum. 

I  have  made  no  attempt  to  gauge  the  income  of  the 
middle  and  upper  classes,  and  have  not  prepared  any 
account  of  their  expenditure  and  manner  of  existence,  but 
the  degree  of  luxury  which  prevails  is  very  fairly  measured 
by  the  particulars  given  of  the  number  of  servants  kept 
compared  to  the  numbers  of  those  on  whom  they  wait. 

In  various  other  respects  as  well  as  in  food,  clothing,  and 
house  accommodation,  broad  differences  may  be  noticed 
between  class  and  class,  or  a  sliding  scale  from  AorB,  toF. 
For  instance,  very  poor  people  hardly  ever  venture  into 
any  but  the  smallest  description  of  shop,  and  for  each  class 
there  is  a  corresponding  grade.  This  is  a  rule,  rarely 
broken,   which  applies  to  all  ranks  of  society.      So,  too, 

*  The  standard  of  life  is  rising,  and  in  some  respects  is  altering  fast.  It 
may  be  that  I  have  put  it  too  low.  Moreover,  my  experience  is  hardly 
sufficient  for  vei-y  confident  generalization. 


332  SURVEY  AND   CONCLUSIONS. 

with  regard  to  the  trades  taken  up  by  the  boys ;  and  still 
more  as  to  the  occupations  sought  by  the  gii-ls;  each  class 
follows  its  own  course,  guided  as  to  the  boys  mainly  by 
the  degree  of  necessity  for  immediate  earnings,  and  as  to 
the  girls  by  the  relative  gentility  of  this  or  that  kind  of 
work.  In  these  respects  the  shortening  or  prolonging  of 
education  is  closely  connected  with  the  choice  mide,  and 
here  again  wo  recognize  a  distinction  which  holds  good 
throughout  society. 

Education  itself  is  another  test.  At  the  very  bottom 
every  effort  is  made  to  avoid  or  abbreviate  school  life;  in 
the  next  class  the  children  are  hurried  through  their 
"  standards/'  in  order  to  go  to  work  as  soon  as  possible ; 
above  this,  the  period  is  voluntarily  extended  from  thirteen, 
to  fourteen,  fift9en,  sixteen,  and  so  on,  till,  with  those  who 
go  to  a  university,  the  educational  period  lasts  till  twent}'-- 
three  or  twenty-four  years  of  age. 

The  up-bringing  and  training  of  children  is  an  even 
surer  standard  by  which  class  can  be  tested  and  measured. 
The  children  of  the  poor  (Classes  B,  C,  and  D)  are  treated 
injudiciously  and  very  frequently  spoilt.  If  they  are  not 
spoilt  they  are  probably  treated  harshly ;  or  the  two  plans 
may  be  combined.  Aa  we  rise  from  B  to  E  or  F,  with 
each  gradation  there  is  less  spoiling  and  less  harshness  ; 
or  in  other  words  less  want  of  self-control  on  the  part  of 
the  parents.  The  spoiling,  combined  with  ignorance  and 
poverty,  results  frequently  in  improper  feeding,  such  as  the 
lack  of  milk.  Childi'en  cry  and  are  given  something  to 
eat — just  as  a  babe  is  given  the  breast — or  are  bribed 
with  sweets.  "  Something  to  eat /'  in  this  case  is  usually 
bread  and  butter  or  bread  and  jam  ;  and  rejected  pieces 
that  the  children  throw  away  may  be  seen  in  the  gutters  of 
any  poor  street. 

Further,  both  birth-rate  and  death-rate  are  highest 
amongst  the  very  poor,  and  both  rates  fall  as  we  change 
our  point  of  view  from  cla.ss  to  class.    The  greatest  excess  of 


EXrENDITURE  AND   STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  3C3 

births  over  deaths — i.e.  the  highest  rateof  increase — probaLly 
lies  with  the  lower  middle  class.  Connected  with  this  is 
the  period  of  marriage,  which  is  at  the  earliest  age  with  the 
lowest  and  at  the  latest  with  the  npper  grades  of  society. 

As  to  clnb-membership,  insurance  and  savings  generally, 
there  are  distinct  class  divisions;  not  bnt  that  there  are 
in  each  class  those  who  do  or  do  not  use  their  money 
in  this  way,  but  that  what  they  attempt,  and  how  they 
attempt  it,  differs. 

The  standard  of  life  as  tested  by  holidays,  applies 
rather  to  the  middle  and  npper  classes,  than  to  families  of 
working  men.  Comparatively  few  employments  ai'e  so 
constant  as  not  to  yield  vacation  enough,  and  in  some  cases 
when  the  slack  season  falls  at  a  convenient  time  of  year, 
advantage  is  taken  by  those  who  can  afford  it,  to  arrange 
a  week  at  the  seaside.  Otherwise,  and  more  generally, 
enforced  idleness  is  a  poor  substitute  for  a  holiday.  But 
when  the  times  of  work  are  within  a  man's  own  control, 
and  especially  if  he  can  make  up  for  times  of  idleness  by 
extra  efforts,  short  holidays  are  very  frequent.  Sometimes 
nearly  half  of  every  week  is  taken  in  this  way.  When 
work  is  not  subject  to  these  irregularities,  the  granting 
of  a  week's  holiday  by  the  employers  is  not  unusual,  and 
full  advantage  is  taken  by  almost  everyone  of  Bank 
Holidays  and  other  established  days.  To  belong  to  the 
militia  and  have  a  few  weeks  each  summer  under  canvas 
is  a  common  plan  for  single  men,  and  whole  families  of  the 
very  poorest  of  the  population  go  fruit  and  hop-picking  in 
the  home  counties  with  the  same  effect.  With  the  middle 
and  upper  classes  the  amount  of  holiday  taken  and  the  way 
in  which  it  is  spent,  from  a  fortnight  at  the  seaside  to  a 
winter  in  Algeria  or  Egypt,  serves  very  fairly  to  distinguish 
various  social  grades.  Amongst  the  upper  classes  holiday- 
making  has  been  raised  to  the  level  of  a  fine  art  and 
invested  almost  with  the  character  of  a  religious 
observance. 


334  SURVEY  AND   COXCLUSIOXS. 

The  difference  in  standai-cl  of  life  between  the  sober  man 
and  tlie  drunkard  is  perhaps  the  greatest  of  all,  but  does 
not  lie  on  class  lines  with  any  exactness.  Amongst  the  lower 
classes,  A  to  E,  there  is  little  difference  in  the  way  in  which 
a  taste  for  drink  is  indulged.  There  are,  indeed,  grades  of 
public-houses  which  answer  to  the  classes  which  principally 
frequent  them,  but  beyond  the  one  broad  disti;iction 
between  a  man  who  drinks  at  home  and  a  man  who  drinks 
abroad,  there  is  little  difference  in  habit.  To  describe 
truly  the  standai'd  of  life  in  London  as  to  drink,  requires 
more  special  study.  It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  the 
amount  of  money  wasted  in  this  folly  is  enormous,  and 
forms  one  main  explanation  of  the  disproportion  shown  in 
our  statistics  between  average  earnings  and  results  in  the 
comforts  of  home. 

Theatre-going  and  the  frequenting  of  music-halls,  again, 
is  a  question  of  age  or  individual  taste  rather  than  class. 
In  every  class  the  young  men  go  most,  but  in  every  class 
there  are  found  stalwart  theatre-goers  for  whom  the 
amusement  never  palls.  As  with  public-houses,  there  are 
music-halls  and  theatres  of  every  grade.  The  increase 
in  the  taste  for  such  amusements,  and  in  the  opportunities 
for  indulging  it,  is  very  remarkable.  W^o  liavc  seen  how 
naturally  this  expenditure  falls  in  with  the  surplus  cash 
of  the  time  before  marriage. 

All  classes  in  London  give  largely  iu  charity.  They 
differ  (but  only  as  between  the  upper  class  and  the  rest) 
in  the  method,  and  to  some  partial  extent  in  the  aim  or 
sentiment.  It  is  probable  that  the  poorest  ])o()ple  give 
the  most  in  proportion  to  what  they  have.  The  widow's 
mite  is  a  recurring  fact  in  daily  life,  and  no  credit  is 
claimed  for  it.  "  I  could  not  see  them  starve,'^  is  the 
simple  explanation  given  ;  or,  "  wc  shall  never  miss  it.'' 
'i'ho  sight  of  a  beggar's,  possibly  deliberate,  misery  never 
fails  to  touch  their  simple  hearts.  X^eir  gifts  are  spon- 
taneous and   thoughtless,  and    could    never  be    subjected 


EXPENDITURE   AND   STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  335 

to  rule,  or  organized,  and  still  less  administered,  by  others. 
Their  own  position,  often  not  very  far  removed  from  want, 
quickens  their  sympathies,  and  the  word  "  undeserving" 
does  not  stay  their  hand.  Doleful  street-singing  is  most 
successfully  practised  in  poor  streets. 

Window-gardening,  the  cultivation  of  plants  under 
glass,  and  still  more  the  keeping  of  pet  animals  and  other 
hobbies,  are  common  i,o  all  classes,  and  are  the  source  of 
very  much  pleasure,  especially  to  those  whose  means  are 
small.  The  cat's-meat  man  and  the  bird-fancier's  shop  are 
marks  of  a  poor  neighbourhood,  and  the  itinerant  vendor 
of  plants  is  seen  everywhere. 

The  taste  for  reading,  again,  is  no  question  of  class. 
In  neai'ly  eveiy  section  there  seem  to  be  born  students, 
and  evei'y where  are  also  found  eager  readers  of  the  current 
trash  of  the  day.  Many  men  in  every  class  read  nothing 
but  the  sporting  papers.  The  main  difference  discernible 
lies  in  the  use  by  the  working  classes  of  a  weekly  in 
pi-ace  of  a  daily  paper,  and  with  the  introduction  of 
halfpenny  papers  this  distinction  becomes  each  year  less 
marked.  The  proportion  of  income  spent  on  literature  of 
one  kind  or  other  is  perhaps  as  great  with  the  poor  as 
with  the  rich,  and  free  libraries  are  largely  used  by 
a  limited  number  of  people. 

As  to  religion,  each  class  is  touched  in  some  fashion,  and 
each  religious  organization  plays  its  part.  What  this  part 
is,  and  in  what  way  each  class  is  affected,  will  be  an 
important  part  of  the  concluding  portion  of  tliis  work, 
in  which  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  measure  the  influences 
under  which  the  people  live. 

Just  as  the  chief  impression  made  by  the  first  part  of  this 
inquiry  into  the  Life  and  Labour  of  London  was  one  of 
mass,  so  that  made  by  the  second  part  is  one  of  detail.  We 
divide  London  by  classes,  and  the  imagination  is  appalled 
by    the    aggregate    numbers    living    under    very    similar 


336  SURVEY  AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

conditions,  in  streets  any  one  of  wliicli  seems  quite  like  any 
other.  The  map  with  its  half-dozen  colours  tells  the  whole 
story,  and  description  is  more  reiteration.  We  divide  by 
trades  and  are  bewildered  not  only  by  the  multiplicity  of 
these  divisions,  but  by  the  great  variety  of  status  amongst 
the  workers  in  each  trade.  Industry  is  seen  to  be  a  very 
comjilex  alfair,  and  irrepressible  individuality  is  its  key-note. 

The  result  is  that  no  grouping  of  trades  is  satisfactory  or 
even  of  much  utility,  and  for  the  purposes  of  these  conclud- 
ing words  I  incline  to  discard  trades  or  groups  of  trades, 
classes  or  groups  of  classes,  and  think  of  the  whole 
population  simply  as  individuals  or  as  families,  each  and 
all  fighting  for  themselves  and  for  those  who  belong  to 
them,  the  good  battle  of  life.  This  point  of  view  brings 
us  once  more  face  to  face  with  the  contrasts  of  poverty 
and  wealth. 

Looked  at  from  the  side  of  industry,  life  presents  itself 
as  full  of  chances,  the  best  use  of  which  demands  free 
individuality.  This  is  the  main  conclusion  to  which  the 
study  of  London  trades  has  tended.  In  this  fact  we  find  the 
only  security  for  collective  prosperity,  and,  though  all  do 
not  share  alike,  and  however  wide  the  difference  in  lot, 
I  cannot  doubt  that  it  provides  also  the  best  hope  for  the 
diffusion  of  comfort  and  wealth.  Advantages  and  oppor- 
tunities might  be  made  more  equal  than  they  are,  and  the 
more  equal  the  better,  but  even  if  it  were  possible  to  make 
them  absolutely  the  same  for  all,  the  deepest  roots  of  social 
inequality  would  remain  untouched;  for  success  depends 
mainly  on  the  power  to  grasp  and  make  use  of  opportunities 
as  they  occur.  Even  now  they  offer  so  freely  that  there  is 
no  one  ])orn  who  does  not  continually  let  them  slip.  The 
chances  that  offer,  to  be  grasped  or  missed  with  reward  or 
penalty  attached,  make  of  men's  lives  a  struggle  which 
never  ends  and  which  falls  very  hardly  on  some ;  but 
from  this  very  struggle  the  whole  community,  and  every 
individual  in  it,  undoubtedly  gains. 


EXPENDITURE   AND   STAND.inD   OF  LIFE.  307 

A  kindly  critic  of  ray  work  has  asked  me  to  say  if  possible 
"what  it  all  amounts  to."  What  I  understand  to  be  souo-ht 
is  an  opinion,  based  on  the  facts  disclosed,  as  to  the  actual 
condition  in  which  the  population  of  London  lives  and  the 
opportunities  which  their  lives  aiford. 

To  this  question  the  present  volume  gives  a  rather  leno-thy 
answer.  But,  to  sum  it  up,  what  in  effect  is  this  answer  ? 
If  we  lift  up  our  hands  and  our  voices,  is  it  to  bo  in 
rejoicing  or  in  horror  ?  May  we  step  forward  with  hope,  or 
must  we  learn  patiently  to  endure  the  evils  we  cannot  cure  ? 

It  is  remarkable  that  these  should  still  be  open  questions. 
But,  no  doubt,  difference  of  opinion  on  them  springs  largely 
from  the  point  of  view  adopted.  If  I  now  state  my  own 
view  it  may  at  least  serve  as  a  peg  on  which  discussion 
might  hang,  and  if  I  hesitate  to  do  so  it  is  because  I  do  not 
wish  to  add  any  colour  if  it  can  be  avoided  to  the  white 
light  in  which  I  have  tried  to  work  in  making  researches 
into  existing  facts.  What  I  have  endeavoured  to  present 
to  my  readers  is  a  picture  or  a  way  of  looking  at  thintrs, 
rather  than  a  doctrine  or  an  argument.  I  have  been  srlad 
10  see  my  book  furnish  weapons  and  ammunition  for 
absolutely  opposed  schools,  and  can  even  make  shift  to 
stifle  my  annoyance  when  it  is  occasionally  quoted  in 
support  of  doctrines  which  I  abhor. 

In  its  pages  Londoners  have  been  described  as  they 
live,  and  again  as  they  work,  but  now  in  attempting  to 
obtain  a  correct  general  impression,  we  may  perhaps  turn 
to  yet  another  method  and  consider  the  living  picture — 
of  which  every  spectator  is  himself  a  part — which  the  people 
of  London  offer,  as,  on  business  or  on  pleasure  bent,  they 
are  seen  in  their  streets.  It  is  no  holiday  show  that  is 
thus  exhibited,  but  merely  a  fair  sample  of  the  every-day 
appearance  and  daily  life  of  four  million  people.  To  me  it 
is  always  an  inspiriting  sight,  especially  in  the  main  streets, 
and  not  the  least  so  in  those  of  the  poorest  districts.  The 
mere  bustle  of  a  crowd,  which  is  the  fir3b  impression  left 
V  22 


338  SURVEY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

upon  tlie  mind,  resolves  itself  into  tlie  eagerness,  energy, 
and  individuality  of  its  component  parts.  Men,  women 
and  children,  all  or  nearly  all,  are  keenly  pursuing 
some  aim,  so  niucli  so,  that  the  few  of  whom  this 
is  not  true  attract  attention  and  often  become  objects  of 
suspicion.  Nearly  all  are  well  dressed  and  look  well  fed. 
Kagged  clothes  or  hungry  faces  catch  the  eye  when  they 
occur.  In  quiet  streets  where  thei'e  is  neither  crowd  nor 
bustle  it  is  the  same ;  the  passers-by  are  going  about  their 
business  and  seldom  seem  to  call  for  pity  on  account  of 
poverty.  We  thus  have  the  general  impression  of  a  well- 
to-do  energetic  people,  and  we  find  this  impression  borne 
out  by  all  the  facts  and  every  test  that  can  be  applied; 
but  subject,  just  as  they  are,  to  the  presence  of  exceptions, 
and  in  about  the  same  degree.  Here  and  there  as  one 
walks  some  woe-begone  figure  slips  past,  or  a  glimpse 
is  caught  of  some  back  street.  We  may  then  turn  to  our 
statistics  to  learn  what  proportion  such  things  bear  to  the 
rest,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  proportion  is  on  the  whole 
much  the  same  as  is  indicated  by  the  panorama  of  the 
street.  If  we  would  plumb  the  degree  of  misery  involved, 
or  analyze  its  causes  we  may  do  so  from  the  annals  of  the 
people  and  sti'eets  that  these  volumes  contain,  or  far  better, 
bring  to  bear  upon  the  quest  personal  knowledge  gained 
in  attempts  to  improve  the  conditions  of  life  or  relieve 
distress. 

To  the  question  of  another  critic,  ''  What  is  the  good 
of  it  all  1 "  I  shall  still  attempt  no  answer.  I  trust  in 
the  efficacy  and  utility  of  the  scientific  method  in  throwing 
light  upon  social  questions,  and  the  work  on  which  I 
am  engaged  is  not  yet  finished.  In  spite  of  the  length  to 
which  it  has  attained,  I  have  to  ask  once  more  the  patience 
of  my  readers.  The  circumstances  which  may  lead  to 
poverty  are  various.  In  my  next  volumes  I  hope  to  show 
the  extent  to  which  remedies  of  many  kinds,  wise  and 
unwise,   arc  now  being  applied;  and   in   this  way,   before 


EXPENDITURE  AND   STANDARD   OF  LIFE.  339 

attempting  to  decide  what  fui'ther  or  other  action  should 
be  pursued,  take  stock  of  what  is  beitifj  done  now,  and  try- 
to  trace  the  effects  of  the  agencies  and  influences,  actually 
at  work,  upon  the  existing  state  of  things. 

If  1  can  accomplish  this,  and  besides  showing  where 
poverty  exists  in  London  and  in  what  degree,  and  some- 
thing of  its  relation  to  industry,  which  has  now  been  done, 
indicate  also  the  manner  in  which  the  condition  of  the 
people  is  affected  for  good  or  evil  by  social  action  of 
various  kinds,  it  may  become  easier  than  it  now  is  to  avoid 
the  wrong  and  choose  the  right  path  ;  and  the  question  of 
my  critic  will  have  beeu  answered. 


THE    END, 


23 


INDEX. 


INDEX 


Ablutions  of  the  working  classes, 
380-331 

Age,  distribution  of  the  occupied 
classes,  43-53 

trades  with  a  normal  age  line,  44 

■ trades  with  exaggerated  propor- 
tion of  boys  and  young  men,  45 

trades  with  excessive  proportion 

of  middle-aged,  4G 

trades  with  excess  of  old,  47,  48 

trades   with   abnormally  small 

proportions  at  certain  ages,  49 

distribution  of  female  employees, 

51-52 

distribution  of  the  whole  popula- 
tion— occupied  and  unoccu- 
pied— male  and  female,  52 

of      legal      employment,      the 

restriction  of,  297 

Aliens  and  foreign  competition,  247 

Alms-giving,  334 

Alternative  products,  248 

employments,  257 

Amusements,  334 

Apprenticeship,  12G 

and  trade  unions,  163 

Ai^prentices'  wages  and  obhgations, 
128 

Arbitration  and  conciliation,  302 

Association  and  combination,  136-143 

■ of  employers,  142 

of  workmen,  143 

protective,  157 

Average  earnings  in  selected  trades, 
276-278 

Eexefits  offered  by  trade  societies, 

153 
Birthplace,  in   or    out    of    London, 

28-34 
in  connection  with  essen- 
tially   London    trades, 
129-130 
Birth-rate    and    death-rate    of     the 

working  classes,  332 
Book-binding    trade,   crowding    and 
earnings  in  the,  19 


Boot  and  shoo-makers,  crowding  in 

E.  and  W.  London,  102 
Boy  and  female  labour,  introduction 

of,  251 
Boys,   trades   with    an   exaggerated 

l^roportion  of,  45 
Boy  labour,  297 
Boys,  wages  of,  270 
Boys  and  young  men,  cost  of  life  at 

home,  319-321 
Bricklayers  and  crowding,  9 
Brushmakers,  crowding  and  earnings 

of,  23 
Building  Trades'  Federation,  the,  149 
Business,  size  of  unit  of,  54 
Butchers,  crowding  and  earnings  of, 

22 

CvBixET-makers,  crowding  in  E.  and 

W.  London, 102 
Captainship  in  industry,  76 
Carmen,  crowding  among,  9 
Casual  labour  and  irregularity,  234 
Census  family,  the,  35 
Centralization  of  work,  96 
Central  London,  cost  of  life  in,  287 
Change,  its  good  and  bad  side,  50 
Character,   as   affected  by  industry, 

73 
Characteristics  of  modern  industry, 

69-83 
Characteristics      and      training      of 

London  labour,  120-135 
Chai'ity  of  the  working  classes,  334 
Cheap'labour,  94, 100 
Cheapness,  74,  133 

the  rage  for,  119 

Chemical  workers,crowdingamong,10 
and  earn- 
ings of,  21 
Children  of  the  working  classes,  332 
Choice  of  employment,  the,  285-292 
City,  the,  100 
Class  distinctions,  325-335 
Clerks,  crowding  among,  10 
Coachmen,    cabmen    and     omnibus 

men,  crowding  and  earnings  of,  24 

24 


311 


INDEX. 


Coal  porters,  crowilinp;  anionp;,  6 

crowding  and  earnings 

of,  24 
Combinations  of  workmen,  78 
Compelition    of    provincial    labour, 
130, 131 

of  aliens,  247 

of  commodities,  '247-'248 

effect  of,  115 

and  ^Ya!Tes,  169 

sphere  of  potential,  174 

Competence  and  efliciency,  121 
Complexity  of  life  in  London,  84-85 
Conciliation  and  arbitration,  302 
Continuity  of  work  and  overtime,  197 
Co-operation  and  co-partnership,  308 
Coqiorato  feeling  in  production,  132 
Cost  of  hving,  319-324 
Credit  and  speculation,  242 
Crowding,  definition  of,  3 

and  apparent  poverty,  3-12 

and  earnings,  13-27 

connected   with   birthplace 

and  districts  inhabited,  29 
in     selected     E.    and     W. 

London  trades,  102 
trade  sections  arranged  to 

show  percentage  of,  8,  11 
trades     more     poor     than 

crowded,  6 
ti-ades  more  crowded  than 

poor,  5.  15-19,  24 
Currency  and  irregularitj',  241 
Cycles  of  intiation  and  contraction, 
73,  243-244 


Decaying  trades,  49,  60,  62 
Degradation  of  work  in  London,  131, 

199 
Demand,  seasonal,  252-253 
Demarcation  of  trades,  258 
Despecialization  in  trade,  249-250 
Deterioration  of  labour,  90,  131 
Development  of  London  trade,  86 
Differential  rates  of  wages,  169 
Diilusion  of  workers,  96-97 
Disadvantages  of  London,  90 
Disintegration  and  trade  unions,  147 
Disorganized  trades,  303 
Displacement  of  trade,  85 

of  individuals,  236-238 

of  products,  248 

Dock  labourers  in   connection   with 

crowding,  6 
Drift  of  industry,  61 
Drink,  26,  334 


Dyers   and  cleaners,   crowding   and 
earnings  of,  21 

Earxixgs  and  crowding,  13 

and   crowding   in  various 

trades,  table  comparing, 
16 

actual  and  nominal,  17 

irregularity  of,  228-262 

and  wages,  276-279 

supplementary,  281-282 

Economic    advantages     and     disad- 
vantages of  London,  87-95 
Education  and  industry,  134 

as  an  industrial  remedy, 

296 
Efficiency  in  industry,  121 

tests  of,  102 

and  methods  of  remunera 

tion,  215-216 
Employers  and   employed,  the  pro- 
portion of,  54-56 

small,  117 

associations,  132 

Employment,  systems  of,  104 

the  choice  of,  285-292 

bureaux,     the      trade 

unions  as,  305 
Employment,  status  as  to,  54-58 
Engine  and  machine  makers,  crowd- 
ing among,  10 
Enterprise  in  business,  76,  241 
Equilibrium  in  industry,  231 
Evils,  specitic,  dcmandmg  remedies, 

294 
Excellence  of  London  work,  89,  131 
Exclusiveness  in  trade,  2.')7 
Expenditure   and   standard  of    life, 

317-335 
Expenses  of  industry,  287 

Factory  system,  the,  104 

Acts,  effect  on  hours  of  work 

of,  183,  184,  185 

Acts,  the  extension  of  the, 

298 

inspection,  299-302 

Fair  wages'  clause,  the,  180 
"  Fair  day's  work,"  a,  189 
Families,  size  and  constitution  of,  35 
comparative    size     of,    by 

trades,  38 
male  and  female  heads  of, 

35-37 
percentage  of   male  heads 

of,  to  males  over  20,  by 

trades,  42 


INDEX. 


Family,  income  of  the,  2S0-283 
Fashion  and  ine;;uhuity,  2/54-'23.") 
Federation  anionj,'  unions,  141),  l;"iO 
Female  lahourand  trade  unions,  179 

— ; irreguhxrity,  235 

Financial  stability  of  trade  unions, 

154 
Fiscal  policy  and  irregularity,  245 
Fixity  in  industry,  110 
Fluctuation  of  demand,  229 

^  Foreign  competition,  247 

'  Free  labour,  304 

trade,  245 

Freedom,  love  of,  112 

and  irregularity,  235 

Friendly  benefits  of  trade'unions,  153 
Functions  of  trade  unions,  151 
Furniture  trades,  98 

Garworkebs,  crowding  anl  earnings 

of,  24 
Gospel  of  industry,  the,  314 

Hat  and  cap-makers,  crowding  in  E. 

and  W.  London  among,  102 
Hatters,     crowding     and     earnings 

among,  19 
Hawkers,  114 

Holidays  and  irregularity,  235,  255 
tlie  choice  of  employ- 
ment, 288 
of  the  poor  and  the  well- 
to-do,  333 
Home  life   of   the  working   classes, 
325-332 

employment,  110-115 

Hours  of  labour,  the,  182-200 

work   in    London     trades, 

182,  201-214 

and  overtime,  194 

individuals,  193, 

200 
effects  of  controllin 


189-192 

influences    determin- 
ing, 183-184 

Houses  in  poor  districts,  size  of,  3 

Idiosyn'cracies  of  large  towns,  58 
Immigration    from    the     provinces 

30,  52,  129,  131-132 
Immigrants  and  irregularity,  247 
Income  of  a  "  poor  "  family,  the,  5 

the  family.  280-283 

Increasing    and    decreasing    tra,des, 

59-65 


Independence,  industrial,  116 
Independent  workers,  57 
Individualism  and  trade  unions,  150 
Individuals  and  hours  of  work,  193. 
200 

Individuality,  the  suppression  of,  78 
Industrial     relationships,      109-110      t 
111,  157,  KiO,  177 

training  and  trade  unions, 

1(12 

•  remedies,  293-318 

the    nature    of, 
309 


inquu-y,      objects       and 

utility  of,  337  339 
Industries  specially  adapted  to  Lon- 
don, 91-95 
Industry,  characteristics  of  modern 
69-83 

conneciion  of  poverty  with. 

70 


organic  nature  of,  72 

the  gospel  of,  314 

Inspectors,  factory.  299-302 
InsutHcient   pay  and   poverty,   314- 

315 
Intensity  of  work,  188 
Intermittent  employment  and  over- 
time, 196 
Intervention,  State,  191,  315-316 
Iron  and  steel  trades,  crowding  and 

earnmgs  in  the,  19-20 
Irregular     occupations,     tables     of, 

277,  278,  279 
Irregularity  and  organization,  80 

of  earnings.  228-262 

personal    and   economic 

causes  of,  234-237 

and  women's  work,  236 

trade  cycles  and.  243 

and    internal     demand, 

244 

and  fiscal  policy,  245 

and  administration.  246 

■ and  population,  247 

remedies  for.  259-262 

and  industrial   degrada- 
tion, 283 

Jewellers,   crowding   and  earnings 

among,  23 
Jews,  effect  on  tailoring  trade,  33 

Labour,  the  excellence  of  London, 
89,  131 

low  paid,  100 

the  dignity  of,  290 


346 


INDEX. 


Laboui"  unions,  composition  of,  143 

Labourers,  general,  in  connection 
with  crowding,  7 

municipal,  and  crowd- 
ing, y 

dock  and  general,  crowd- 
ing and  earnings  of,  24 

wages  of,  200-270 

Landlords,  the  responsibility  of, 
298 

Large  and  small  systems  of  produc- 
tion, 100-119 

Large  systems  of  production,  100 

Leather  and  fur  workers,  crowding 
and  earnings  of,  23 

Legislation  and  State  action,  188, 
192-193,  195,  315-318 

Leisure  and  hours  of  work,  190 

Limitations  to  the  sphere  of  trade 
unions,  173 

Localization  and  diffusion  of  trades, 
96-103 

London,  numbers  born  in  or  out  of, 
28-30 

numbers  living  in  inner  or 

outer  circle,  31-34 

as  a   centre   of  trade   and 

industry,  84-95 

industrial  tenure  of,  84 

Trades'  Council,  the,  150 

Loss  of  time  and  wages,  279-280 

Machixery,  effects  of,  107-108 

increase  of  trade  due  to, 

03 
and  methods  of  remuner- 
ation, 220 

and  regularity  of  work, 

250 
Management  in  industry,  76 
Markets,  creation  of,  G3-04,  98 
Married  life,  the  cost  of,  321-324 
Marshall,  Professor,  on  equality  of  re- 
nmneration,220 

on  specialization 

of  work,  250 
Masons,  crowding  among,  10 
Matmakers,  crowding  and   earnings 

of,  21 
Maximum  wage,  the,  172 
Measurability  of  work,  174 
Methods  of  remuneration,  time  and 

piece-work,  215-227 
Middlemen,  88 

Migration  from  the  Provinces,  30,  247 
Millers,  crowding   and  earnings  of, 


Mineral  water  makers,  crowding  and 
earnings  of,  22 

Minimum  wage,  the,  lCO-172 

IMobility  of  labour,  the,  30,  130-132 

Modern    system    of    industry,    the, 
75-76 

Money  making,  77 

Moial  qualities,  the  market  value  of, 
314 

Morale  and  irregularity,  234 

Municipal     employment,     crowding  » 
and  earnings  in,  25 

Musical  instrument  makers,  crowd- 
ing and  earnings  of,  23 

"  Neither  employers  nor  employed," 

position  of,  229-230 
Nominal  wages  and  actual  earnings, 

270-279 
Non-unionists,  304 

Objects  of  trade  unions,  the,  158 
of   the    industrial    inquiry, 

the,  337 
"  Occupied,"  the,  35 
age  distribution  of  the, 

43-53 
Organization,  absence  of,  in  certain 
trades.  170 

conditions  of,  173,  174 

and  irregularity,  80 

and  remuneration,  81 

the  objects  of,  138 

"Others  occupied,"  the,  35 
Out-of-work  beneiits,  153,  155,  305- 

307 
Overlapping  and  trade  unions,  147, 

"157,  257-258 
Overtime,  194-197 

as  a  preventive  of   inter- 
mittent    employment, 
I'.fO,  197 
Overtime,  opposition  of  trade  unions 

to,  196 

Painters,  crowding  among,  9 
Pensions,  Trade  Union,  154 
Permanency  of  emplovraent,  171 
Personal   and   economic    causes    of 

irregularity,  233,  237 
Physical  conditions   affecting  regu- 
larity of  work,  251 
Piecework,      arguments      for      and 

against,  221-223 
and    the  building  trades, 

217 


INDEX. 


347 


effect  of,  on  continuity  of 

work,  223 

and   the    employment    of 

younp;  and  old,  224-225 
and     fixity    of     rates     of 

reinunei-ation,  225 
and  women's  trades,  218 

and  tiinework,  21G 

Plasterers,  crowding  among,  9 
Point   of  view,  the  general  and  the 

particular,  335 
Police,  crowding  among  the,  10 
Poor,  definition  of  the,  5 
Population,   division   of,    into  eight 

groups,  13G 
Poverty  and  crowding,  3 

connection    with    industry, 

70,  19G 

causes  of,  308-314 

and  remuneration,  IS 

Prices,  the  intluence  of,  243 
Printing  trade,  crowding  and  earnings 

in  the,  18 

trades,  localization  of,  98 

Privileged  Associations,  138 
Production  and  employment,  systems 

of,  104-119 
Professional  classes,  crowding  among 

the,  10 
Profit,  77,  172 

Profit-sharing  and  remuneration,  216 
Protective  combinations,  139, 151 
Provincial  competition,  247-248 

immigrants,  age  of,  52 

. labour,  130, 131 

migration  to  London,  30, 

247 

QuALincATiONS,  industrial,  123 
<Jualities    demanded    of   employees, 

80 
Quality  in  relation  to  demand,  115 

Hae,  Mr.,  on  "  Hours  of  work,"  191 

Rates  of  wages,  203-284 

Piecognized  and  current  wages,  271- 
273 

Eegistration  of  workshops,  the,  298- 
299 

Eegular  occupations,  table  of,  27(1 

Begularity  of  work  and  piecework, 
223 

• and  standard  of  comfort, 

228 

— — and  machinery,  250 

Kelations  of  workmen  and  work- 
men, 15G 


Relations    between    employers    and 

emplovees,     109-110,     liO,     157, 

IGO, 177 

Religion  and  the  working  classes, 335 

Remedial    action,     instruments    of, 

295-302 
Remedies   for  irregularity   of  work, 
259-202 

industrial.  293-318 

the  nature    of   social    and 

industrial,  309 
Remuneration,  methods  of,  215-227 

range  of,  204 

Rents,  effect  of  high  and  low,  4 
Requirements  of  special  trades,  123 
Responsibility  of  landlords,  298 
Retail  trade,  101,  114-115 
Revolution,  the  industrial,  120 

Seasons,  busy  and  slack,  252-253 
Shifting  from  trade  to  trade, 44,  48,  50 

and  irregularity,  237 

Shop  keepers,  crowding  among,  10 
assistants,  hours  of,  191 


Shops  used  by  working  classes,  331 
Silk  weavers,  crowding  among,  10 

and  fancy  workers,  crowding  and 

earnings  of,  21 
Size  of  businesses,  the,  54 
Skilled  men,  the  wages  of,  270 
"Skilled"  work,  120 
Slack  time,  237 
Small  employers,  117 

masters  and  trade  unions,  175, 

177-178 

systems  of  production,  57,  110 

Smith,  H.  Llewellyn,  on  seasonal  and 

cyclical  variations,  233 
Soap  and  candle  makers,  crowding 

and  earnings  of,  20 
Social  remedies,  the  nature  of,  309 
Socialism,  315 

and  State  responsibility,318 

Socialists    and    material     forms    of 

wealth,  241-242 
Specialization,  excessive,  250 

of  industry,  78,  116 

Speculation  and  credit,  242 

in  trading,  76 

Standard  of  life,  the,  74,  333 

and      expenditure, 

317-335 

the  prevailing,  325- 

335 
■ connected  with  com- 
fort and  regular 
work,  228 


348 


INDEX. 


State  intervention,  191,  315-316 
Status  as  to  employment,  54-58 

efifect  of  transitional  character 

of,  177-179 

uncertainty  of,  231 

Street-sellers,  crowding  among,  6 
Strikes,  trade  unions  and,  IGO 
Sub-contract,  11(5 
Subdivision  of  labour,  '256-257 
Substitution  of  products,  the,  248 
Superannuation,  trade   unions   and, 

154 
Supervision,  127,  221 
Supply  and  demand,  relation  of,  71 
Surgical   and    scientific    instrument 
makers,    crowding    and    earnings 
of,  23 
"  Sweating,"  116 

Systems  of  production  and  employ- 
ment, 104 


Tailors  in  East  and  West  London, 

crowding  among,  102 
Technical  training,  134,  29C 
Tenure,  uncertainty  of  industrial,  231 
Theatre-going,  334 
Time  and  jiiece-work,  216 
Time-work,     arguments     for      and 
against,  221 

the  basis  of,  218 

and  the  building  trades, 

217 
Trade   and  industry,   London   as  a 

centre  of,  84-95 
Trades'  Council,  the  London,  150 
Trades,  age  distribution  by,  43-53 
comparative  size  of  families 

in,  38 
found  in  particular  localities, 

99 
increasing   and    decreasing, 

60 

number  of  employed  to  each 

employer  in,  56 

proportions  of    crowded  or 

poor,  8,  11,  16 

proportion    in — born    in   or 

out  of  London — living  in 
inner  or  outer  circle,  29 

Trade  unions,  136-181 

absence  of  in  certain 

trades,  176-180 

action  of,  78-82 

benefits  offered  by,  153 

conditions   favourable 

to,  173 


conditions    unfavour- 
able to,  175 

effect    on    wages,  18, 

168 

and  female  labour,  179 

forms  of  growth  of, 148 

functions  of,  151 

— individualism  of,  150 

and  irregularity,  258 

limitations   to   sphere 

of  action  of,  81, 173 

in  London,  list  of,  144- 

145 

objects  of,  158 

sphere  and  extent  of 

influence      of,     81, 
147,  158-162 

propoiiion  of  members 

to  ijopulation,  146 

as  remedial  agencies, 

302 

and  tests  of  efficiency, 

162-172 
Tradition,  the  effects  of,  97 

and  trade  unions,  163 

Training  and  characteristics  of  Lon- 
don labour,  120-135 
Training,  general,  124 

technical,  134,  296 

and  trade  unions,  162 

Unemployed,  the,  196,  316-318 

Uniformity  of  wage,  168 
Unions  (see  trade  unions) 
"Unoccupied,"   proportion    of,    per 

family  in  each  trade,  38 
Unskilled  men,  wages  of,  266-270 
"  Unskilled ''    work,    characteristics 

of,  121 


Wage,  the  minimum,  166-172 
Wages  of  adult  male  labour,  266-270 

of  boys,  270 

differential  rates  of,  109 

effects  of  high  "minimum," 

170 

"  fair,"  180 

how  spent,  5,  319-324 

.and  loss  of  time,  279 

low,  and  poverty,  310 

nominal  and  real,  15,  17,  18 

rates  of,  264 

recognized  and  current,  271- 

273 

of  skilled  men,  270 

and  trade  union  policy,  168 


INDEX. 


343 


-  of  women,  271 


Want  of  work  aud  poverty,  314-315 
Watchmakers,  crowding  among,  10, 

20 
Wealth,  effect  on  industry  of,  65 
Webb,  S.  and  B.,  on  percentage  of 

Trade  Unionists,  14() 
Wives  and  youn;^  children,  3G 
Women,    age    distribution    of     em- 
ployed, 51 

and  piece-work,  218 

status  of,  179 


wa^es  of,  271 
work  of,  3() 


Work,  poverty  and  want  of,  314 
Working  classes,  home  life  of,  325- 

332 
Working  day.  length  of,  182,  194 
Workmen's  Associations,  143,  181 
Workmen    and  workmen,   relations 

of,  150 
Workshops,  the  registration  and  in- 
spection of,  298-302 
Workshop  system,  the,  105 


EnnATA  IN  rnEviOTJf^  volumes  of  the  industrial 

SERIES. 

Vol.  I. 

p.  293,  under  "  Status  as  to  Employment,"  the  figm-es  for  Filters  and  for 
Millwrights  have  been  transposed.  Total  of  Fitters  should  be  9270,  and  of 
Millwrights  351,  instead  of  vice  versa. 

Vol.  II.,  ArncNDix. 

Tart  I.,  Table  B,  p.  307.— The  total  of  C  and  D  should  be  1-2  %i  and 
E  should  be   2  %.     The  figures  have  been  transposed. 

Part  III.,  Table  B,  p.  373.— Printers  (No.  5)  should  be  3084,  iwt  23,084. 

Vol.  III. 
p.  21,  see  correction,  Vol.  IX.,  p.  201,  note. 
p.  92, /or  "  nearly  180,000,"'  read  "  nearly  130,000." 
p.  140,  line  3  of  note,  for  "  quality  "  read  "  quantity." 
p.  150,  line  12  from  bottom,  yor  "Friday"  read  "  Thursd.iy." 

p.  214. — The  figures  for  Greengrocers  and  Oil  and  Colournien  have  been 
transposed.  The  total  of  Greengrocers  should  be  4031,  and  of  Oil  and 
Colourmen  9530,  instead  of  vice  versa. 

p.  231.  — The  figures  for  Males  and  Females  have  been  transposed  in  the 
Census  Enumeration.  The  total  of  Males  should  be  4794,  and  of  Females 
C210,  instead  of  vice  versa. 


Tills  book  is 

DUE  on  the  last  date  sta 

mped  below 

RtCL 

NOV 

rma 

ot^ 

1 8 1969 

lAAY  9     ^ 

^""*IAR-5.,J9; 

1 

DEC  2 2 1950 

*^I313ZJ 

JUL  1 9  1952' 

JUL  1  9  RECD 

SECD  LD-URI 

m  1  ^  ^'^ 

^    -9-195^ 

-J^AftJ97? 

V  0 

julRto 

,  4  1980 

.JUN    3  1991 

.^c^  J  LU-UflB 

^    JUL?    '9W 

«""    91981! 

Form  L-9-157n-7,'32 

3  1158  00528  680 


UCSODTHFRNRFGlOrjAL 


LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  430  707 


MHiiiiiiMiiiiii 

lSI»i!!!!!l!!!!ll 
iiiiiiiiiiiiiiim 

lllllllllllillMli. 

niiiiiiiniiHiii, 
!KS!l!m!!!!Hy 


UNIVFiP^TTV  of  r,ALJF0I  NIA 


LIBRARY 


